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| ISBN-13: | 9781775580003 |
|---|---|
| Publisher: | Auckland University Press |
| Publication date: | 10/01/2013 |
| Sold by: | Barnes & Noble |
| Format: | eBook |
| Pages: | 280 |
| Sales rank: | 861,795 |
| File size: | 8 MB |
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A Carved Cloak for Tahu
By Mere Whaanga
Auckland University Press
Copyright © 2004 Crown CopyrightAll rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-1-86940-637-0
CHAPTER 1
Ko Te Poho O Tahu Te Wharenui
Te Poho O Tahu — the bosom of Tahu — is the place where we gather, the most appropriate place to discuss all that is important to us, the descendants of Tahu Potiki.
There are many wharenui in the rohe of Ngati Kahungunu ki Wairoa, and most of us have connections to more than one of them. We are used to having all our hui at a marae, where we can discuss matters of importance within our whare tipuna, surrounded by our ancestors and confident that the outcome will be influenced by them.
I must admit that I took this richness and stability of identity very much for granted. But then, while working at the Auckland War Memorial Museum, I came to know Maori who had had little contact with an ancestral house. For some this was because they had spent most of their lives in areas far from their traditional tribal lands and marae, for others it was because their wharenui had been removed from its marae and placed in a museum. I had never before considered what it must be like to be Maori and not have a marae, not have a meeting house.
Although I grew up some distance from our marae, we went to Iwitea on many occasions. For instance, in 19561 was one of the flower girls at the wedding of one of my father's sisters. There are photos of my aunt and uncle, and photos of the whole wedding party, but the one that is clearest in my mind shows my father — with his pipe and wearing a hat tilted just so — sitting with my mother's aunt on the veranda. The wharenui was the old Tahu, and my aunt's wedding was the last function held there. That wharenui was demolished soon after and the existing Te Poho O Tahu built. The current Te Poho O Tahu was formally opened on 6 April 1963. It is the fourth Tahu; the first two were raupo whare.
Most of our meetings about land are held on our marae. For instance, it is only right that the annual general meeting of the Whakaki 2N Maori Incorporation is held in Te Poho O Tahu, because this incorporation is the landholding organisation of the hapu associated with Iwitea marae, which is situated on one of the modern-day boundaries of this land. The hapu are also significant shareholders in two other Maori landholding bodies — Te Whakaari Incorporation and Anewa Trust — which often have their annual general meetings in Te Poho O Tahu. Church services are held here too — although now less frequently than in the past, when regular Ringatu, Anglican and Ratana services took place in the wharenui.
The wharenui is the most appropriate place to hold wananga. What other house is a more appropriate setting in which to learn about whakapapa, tribal affiliations, waiata, history, the land, tikanga, kawa? The book The Seven Whales: He Pakiwaitara a Ngai Tahu Matawhaiti was launched on the marae, from which six of the seven whales, our maunga tapu, can be seen. Contemporary issues of concern to the people are also discussed here. In recent times there have been numerous meetings and discussions regarding a proposal by Westech to drill for gas on the Whakaki 2N block. This was a very contentious issue that had the potential to be deeply divisive, but within the poho of our ancestor Tahu a strategy to obtain a unified voice of the people was developed and the issues resolved.
And of course the wharenui is where our tupapaku lie. We who have descended from this ancestor, and those who have come to be members of our hapu, are brought back to the embrace of Tahu Potiki for the tangihanga, to be farewelled before being returned to the mother of all, Papatuanuku. The wharenui, then, serves as a gathering place in times of joy and celebration, times of stress and sadness. It serves as a church, a hall of council and, truly, a meeting house.
The symbolism of the meeting house and the marae
The wharenui represents the ancestor of the tribal group for whom the marae is turangawaewae — those who belong to that marae are all descendants of the ancestor represented by the meeting house. The koruru is the head of the ancestor, the maihi the arms, the raparapa the fingers. The porch is the roro. On entering the house, one enters into the body of the ancestor.
A further — less obvious — symbolism in Te Poho O Tahu is that the wharenui also represents the cosmos: the union of Ranginui and Papatuanuku, their separation, and the descent of all Maori from these primal parents. In some wharenui, Ranginui (the Sky-Father) and Papatuanuku (the Earth-Mother) are shown coupled on the portion of the ridge-pole that projects over the porch — appropriately, the beginning of the tahuhu which represents the main line of descent of their offspring. The symbolism remains the same with the use of the koruru which represents the eponymous ancestor of the tribal group, usually with his wife depicted immediately below. In the case of Te Poho O Tahu, the koruru is actually Matawhaiti (the other eponymous ancestor of Ngai Tahu Matawhaiti), with his wife Hine Toka. Tahu Potiki and his wife Hamo-te-Rangi are depicted on the pare above the door.
The wharenui and its marae are an area of extreme social and cultural import. Two of the fundamental concepts of Maori culture are tapu (sacred) and noa (free from tapu). The marae in front of the wharenui is a tapu place where elaborate protocols are observed in terms of tangata whenua (people of the land) and manuhiri (visitors); who may speak in this area, and in what order; and the different roles of men and women.
The interior of the wharenui is considered noa; that is, it is free from tapu. Inside there are fewer restrictions, as this area is protected by the ancestor/wharenui. The pare (door lintel) marks the place of transition between tapu and noa. The pare in carved houses has a female image as the central figure. This is a reference to the mythological account of Maui attempting to defeat death by returning to the womb of Hine-nui-te-Po. He transformed himself into a lizard, but as he was entering the vagina of Hine -nui-te-Po a fantail laughed; Hine-nui-te-Po awoke and crushed Maui. Henceforth the female genitals have been considered to have the power to remove tapu. In some early examples of pare, another layer of symbolism can be seen — the separation of Ranginui and Papatuanuku.
In fully carved houses, the poupou lining the walls represent prominent ancestors of the tribal group. Te Poho O Tahu is not fully carved, but instead contains photographs of hapu members who have passed beyond the veil. The use of photographs in this manner came about for many reasons. The decline in carved wharenui in the late nineteenth century resulted from a number of factors. The decline in population caused by diseases such as influenza, the loss of land, and conflicts including both the Musket and the New Zealand Wars, resulted in smaller and often impoverished communities unable to support the construction of elaborate wharenui. There were also fewer tohunga whakairo to construct and carve wharenui whakairo. In Te Tairawhiti, Christianity was also a significant factor. Some religious leaders considered carved representations of ancestors to be idolatry, and with wharenui serving as churches in many Maori communities, a number of meeting houses had no carvings, in accordance with the new beliefs. This period coincided with the rise of photography, and by the early 1900s Maori were placing photographs of deceased relatives around the tupapaku at tangi, and also hanging photographic portraits within the wharenui. This use of photographs can be seen as a logical progression from the use of carved pou to represent ancestors within the house. It was also a more inclusive adaptation of the traditional visual depiction of whakapapa — photography became so accessible that entire whanau could be portrayed in the wharenui, whereas the carved tradition had room for only prominent ancestors.
Kawa
The protocols we use on the marae are termed kawa. The word originated in the kawa/kava ceremony of Hawaiki Runga (East Polynesia), in which — according to the Tongans — women of ariki rank were entitled to take part. In Aotearoa there was no kava plant from which to make the drink, and the word kawa came to mean a set of rules for conduct at whanau, hapu and tribal gatherings.
When manuhiri come to Iwitea, they are greeted by the call of the kaikaranga, which is usually answered by a kuia amongst the manuhiri. Both women generally include in their karanga acknowledgement of the tangata whenua/manuhiri (as appropriate) and some reference to the kaupapa of the day. In the past, the kaikaranga were generally the eldest females in the family. Young women — then and now — felt called by the tipuna to fulfil this role. In the past, of course, most Maori people lived close to their marae, and powhiri, karanga and whaikorero were regular and prominent occurrences in their lives. With the drift to the cities from the 1950s, many hapu members have grown away from their marae and the society that inculcated the language and traditions in new generations. Now few of our young women either feel the call to karanga or have the confidence to fulfil this vital role.
Similarly with kaikorero — many paepae around the country are maintained by ever-decreasing numbers of kaumatua. In the mid-1980s, kaumatua Te Hore Epanaia Whaanga spoke to the men after realising that Iwitea marae was facing this situation. Some who had habitually been 'at the back' — workers in the kitchen and the cooks who did the hangi — were asked to come forward and be kaikorero. Traditionally it was the eldest male in families who could whakapapa directly to Tahu Potiki and Matawhaiti who sat upon the paepae. But Maori are essentially a pragmatic people, and when circumstances make it necessary tikanga can be adapted. In the case of kaikorero, two of those asked to come forward were a younger son (with the blessing and permission of his tuakana) and a man who had married into the Iwitea hapu. Te Hore guided these men in the art of whaikorero and composed the necessary accompanying tauparapara and waiata.
Women kaikorero
Iwitea's women have the right to speak on the marae. Within recent memory two kuia spoke occasionally — Lena Kaukau and Arapera Kumeroa. Though they chose to stand upon the porch when they did so (within the roro and protection of their tipuna Tahu Potiki), they had the right to sit upon the paepae with the men. There is an awareness of this right throughout Ngati Porou, Ngati Rongomaiwahine and Ngati Kahungunu. Our whakapapa include many prominent women: Rongomaiwahine of Te Mahia; Hine-Matioro of Whangara; Hine-i-Koia of Te Aitanga-a-Mahaki; Hine-i-Rukuhia, the grandmother of Paora Te Apatu of Wairoa; Mere-karaka of Wairoa; Mahina-a-Rangi, ancestor of the Maori Queen, Dame Te Atairangikaahu; Arapera, arikinui of Rongowhakaata in the 1830s; and, of course, Matakainga-i-te-Tihi, the eldest daughter of Tapuwae and Te Ruataumata. 'Tapuwae made her the greatest and the highest of his children (Queen), and she was named Hei tihi. Matakainga-i-te -tihi means "a face to be gazed at as the highest pinnacle."' It is because of the importance of these women — their mana, their whakapapa — that women have the right to stand upon our marae.
One reason given for women not to whaikorero on the marae atea was that of protection. The marae atea is seen as a dangerous area because it is considered the domain of Tu Matauenga, atua of war. It is a place of challenge and strife. Women, because of their importance as bearers of children and therefore to the future of the tribe (whare tangata, the womb, can be literally translated as the house of the people), had to be protected. However, some of our oral histories record wahine toa — women who fought in battles.
This issue is receiving considerable attention in contemporary society. It has been debated in relation to the speaking protocols for Te Marae at Te Papa Tongarewa, the national museum, and for university marae. In recent years the media has extensively covered incidents on the Waitangi marae in which people have objected to changing speaking protocols to accommodate women Prime Ministers. This is a matter of kawa, which varies from iwi to iwi, hapu to hapu.
After the powhiri and the formal protocols of meeting and greeting have concluded, the manuhiri are taken into the dining room. At this stage it is usual for a light meal or morning tea to be served. At the conclusion of hui, a hakari is held at which the foods for which the area is known are served. Iwitea's special delicacies are eels.
The dining room at Iwitea has the Ratana symbol of the star and crescent moon — the Whetumarama — above the main entrance. This symbol represents enlightenment. The wharekai at Iwitea was named Takutaimoana te Rohe (The Coastline is the Boundary) by Tahupotiki Wiremu Ratana during his mission. This was his way of saying that it didn't matter if people were already baptised by some other church, they would still be welcome at his meetings.
When the Ratana faith was the strongest in the area, its adherents wanted to name the wharenui itself 'Takutaimoana te Rohe' and have the Ratana crescent and star symbol serve as the koruru. Their reasoning was that Ratana had ushered in a new order. Non-Ratana hapu members pointed out that Tahu Potiki had never been Christian, but to no avail. Tradition prevailed only after some objectors threatened arson.
Ko Tahu Potiki Te Tangata Ko Hamo-te-rangi Te Tipuna Whaea
Our tradition is that Tahu Potiki was the second commander of the Takitimu canoe. When Tamatea Arikinui decided to settle in the Tauranga area, he handed command of the Takitimu to Tahu Potiki. This scene is depicted on the left maihi of Te Poho O Tahu: Tamatea stands in front of Maunganui facing Tahu Potiki, who is standing in Takitimu. Tahu Potiki is also depicted in the centre of the left amo. Tahu Potiki was the younger brother of Porourangi, eponymous ancestor of Ngati Porou. When Porourangi died, Tahu Potiki returned to the East Coast and took Porourangi's widow, Hamo-te-Rangi, as his wife. Hamo-te-Rangi is represented by the female head on the pare, Tahu Potiki by the manaia on the left of the pare, and Porourangi by the manaia on the right.
Porourangi was born at Whangara as dawn was breaking, blood-red and angry. This is commemorated in one of his titles, Te Tuhi mareikura o Rauru — a full-blooded man. His other title was Te Ariki Matatara a Whare, a name used today in Rarotonga for the high priest under Makea. Hence his full titles are Porou ariki-te-matatara-a-whare, Te Tuhi-mareikura-o-Rauru, the first-born son of a tapu line.
His brother Tahu Potiki was also born at Whangara, when the western sky was flushed red with the rays of the setting sun, the sign of calm weather, the fisherman's delight. Hence Tahu was called Te Tuhi-mareikura-o-Oho, a tama-wahine. He is also known as Tahumatua, the originator of a line containing numerous Tahu which has given genealogists headaches in every generation.
Tahu Potiki was a descendant of Paikea. The number of generations between the two varies between whakapapa charts, but A.T. Ngata recorded it thus:
PAIKEA = Huturangi
POUHENI = Mahanaiterangi
RAWHAKATU = Te Ahunga
NANAIA = Niwaniwa
POROURANGI
TAHUPOTIKI
There is a long-standing debate about whether Paikea and Kahutia -te-Rangi are the same person. As the matter was not settled by our tipuna, it would not be appropriate to attempt to do so now, and the existence of two traditions regarding Paikea is simply acknowledged.
Another well-known korero recounts the attempt by Ruatapu, one of Uenuku's younger sons (whose mother was Paimahutanga, a woman taken in battle), to murder all the elder sons of his father. Kahutia-te-Rangi was the only survivor, and because of his survival through supernatural means his name was changed to Paikea. The Ngati Porou moteatea composed by Hinetawhirangi records the battles in Hawaiki in which Uenuku was the central figure, and during which Paimahutanga was captured and became Uenuku's wife. The explanatory notes for the moteatea state that Uenuku lived in Hawaiki, but William Colenso said that he lived on the East Coast of Aotearoa.
Uenuku
Uenuku was a senior chief of Hawaiki. His wife Takarita committed adultery with two men, thought to be twins, named Tumahunuku and Tumahurangi. Uenuku killed Takarita and the two men, then cut out her heart and cooked it over a fire fuelled by a post from his house. When the heart was cooked, Uenuku fed it to Takarita's son, Ira. News of Takarita's death reached her brother Tawheta, who lived at two large pa, Matikotai and Porangahau. A year later, Uenuku sent 70 of his people to harvest the karaka berries which grew near Tawheta's pa. They were ambushed and all but one were killed, including four of Uenuku's children — Maputukiterangi, Ropanui, Mahinaiteata, and Whiwhingaiterangi. Other chiefs killed included Hotukura, Inangatapukitewhao and Rangiwhetu.
(Continues...)
Excerpted from A Carved Cloak for Tahu by Mere Whaanga. Copyright © 2004 Crown Copyright. Excerpted by permission of Auckland University Press.
All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.
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Table of Contents
Contents
Title Page,Introduction,
Mana Whakapapa,
1. Ko Te Poho O Tahu Te Wharenui,
2. Ko Takitimu Te Waka,
3. Ko Ngati Kahungunu Te Iwi,
Mana Whenua,
4. Mana Whenua,
5. Anewa,
6. Te Whakaari,
Mana Tangata,
7. Totara Tapu Ngahuru Ma Rua,
8. Nga Tahora Tokowhitu A Ngai Tahu Matawhaiti,
9. Te Toki a Tapiri,
10. Ngai Tahu Matawhaiti Today,
Notes,
Bibliography,
Index,
Copyright,