Does Putin Have to Die?: The Story of How Russia Becomes a Democracy after Losing to Ukraine
The Story of How Russia Becomes a Democracy after Losing to Ukraine.
 
To understand the significance of this book, Does Putin Have to Die?, you must first understand the significance of the author:
  • Ilya Ponomarev was a member of the Russian Parliament, or State Duma, from 2007–2016.
  • In 2014, he was the only member of the Russian Parliament to vote against the annexation of Crimea.
  • However, this was not the first time he survived after opposing Putin.
  • His vote against the annexation of Crimea did, however, lead to him being forced into exile from his own country while he was a sitting member of Parliament.
  • At the time of the annexation of Crimea, Ponomarev predicted it would lead to a full-scale invasion of Ukraine by Russia.
  • He also vowed at the time that if Russia did invade Ukraine, he would fight on the side of Ukraine. And that’s what he is doing today. 
Opposing Putin is a risky proposition; for instance, a fellow Russian Parliament member turned dissident, Denis Voronenkov, was on his way to see Ponomarev when he was shot and killed in March 2017 by Russian intelligence.
 
Ponomarev has lived in Kyiv since 2016. As a result of Voronenkov’s murder, he now receives personal protection by the Ukrainian Security Service. And as he said in a recent television interview, “I keep a machine gun by the door.”
 
But if you ask Ponomarev why he joined Ukraine’s armed territorial defense forces, he will reply:
 
"I’m not fighting against Russia, I'm fighting against Putin and Putinism and Russian fascism.”
 
In this book, Ponomarev offers his plan for how the Russian people can purge their country of Putin, Putinism, and dictatorship, and turn it into a democracy.
 
1141724414
Does Putin Have to Die?: The Story of How Russia Becomes a Democracy after Losing to Ukraine
The Story of How Russia Becomes a Democracy after Losing to Ukraine.
 
To understand the significance of this book, Does Putin Have to Die?, you must first understand the significance of the author:
  • Ilya Ponomarev was a member of the Russian Parliament, or State Duma, from 2007–2016.
  • In 2014, he was the only member of the Russian Parliament to vote against the annexation of Crimea.
  • However, this was not the first time he survived after opposing Putin.
  • His vote against the annexation of Crimea did, however, lead to him being forced into exile from his own country while he was a sitting member of Parliament.
  • At the time of the annexation of Crimea, Ponomarev predicted it would lead to a full-scale invasion of Ukraine by Russia.
  • He also vowed at the time that if Russia did invade Ukraine, he would fight on the side of Ukraine. And that’s what he is doing today. 
Opposing Putin is a risky proposition; for instance, a fellow Russian Parliament member turned dissident, Denis Voronenkov, was on his way to see Ponomarev when he was shot and killed in March 2017 by Russian intelligence.
 
Ponomarev has lived in Kyiv since 2016. As a result of Voronenkov’s murder, he now receives personal protection by the Ukrainian Security Service. And as he said in a recent television interview, “I keep a machine gun by the door.”
 
But if you ask Ponomarev why he joined Ukraine’s armed territorial defense forces, he will reply:
 
"I’m not fighting against Russia, I'm fighting against Putin and Putinism and Russian fascism.”
 
In this book, Ponomarev offers his plan for how the Russian people can purge their country of Putin, Putinism, and dictatorship, and turn it into a democracy.
 
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Does Putin Have to Die?: The Story of How Russia Becomes a Democracy after Losing to Ukraine

Does Putin Have to Die?: The Story of How Russia Becomes a Democracy after Losing to Ukraine

Does Putin Have to Die?: The Story of How Russia Becomes a Democracy after Losing to Ukraine

Does Putin Have to Die?: The Story of How Russia Becomes a Democracy after Losing to Ukraine

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Overview

The Story of How Russia Becomes a Democracy after Losing to Ukraine.
 
To understand the significance of this book, Does Putin Have to Die?, you must first understand the significance of the author:
  • Ilya Ponomarev was a member of the Russian Parliament, or State Duma, from 2007–2016.
  • In 2014, he was the only member of the Russian Parliament to vote against the annexation of Crimea.
  • However, this was not the first time he survived after opposing Putin.
  • His vote against the annexation of Crimea did, however, lead to him being forced into exile from his own country while he was a sitting member of Parliament.
  • At the time of the annexation of Crimea, Ponomarev predicted it would lead to a full-scale invasion of Ukraine by Russia.
  • He also vowed at the time that if Russia did invade Ukraine, he would fight on the side of Ukraine. And that’s what he is doing today. 
Opposing Putin is a risky proposition; for instance, a fellow Russian Parliament member turned dissident, Denis Voronenkov, was on his way to see Ponomarev when he was shot and killed in March 2017 by Russian intelligence.
 
Ponomarev has lived in Kyiv since 2016. As a result of Voronenkov’s murder, he now receives personal protection by the Ukrainian Security Service. And as he said in a recent television interview, “I keep a machine gun by the door.”
 
But if you ask Ponomarev why he joined Ukraine’s armed territorial defense forces, he will reply:
 
"I’m not fighting against Russia, I'm fighting against Putin and Putinism and Russian fascism.”
 
In this book, Ponomarev offers his plan for how the Russian people can purge their country of Putin, Putinism, and dictatorship, and turn it into a democracy.
 

Product Details

ISBN-13: 9781510775909
Publisher: Skyhorse
Publication date: 11/15/2022
Pages: 288
Sales rank: 1,052,450
Product dimensions: 6.00(w) x 9.00(h) x 1.30(d)

About the Author

llya Ponomarev is a Russian politician, tech entrepreneur, and investor. A member of the Russian Parliament from 2007–2016, he chaired the Innovations and Venture Capital subcommittee, and became a leader of the Russian protest movement in 2011. Forced into exile by Putin in 2016, he moved to Silicon Valley and then Kyiv, where he established an investment company that, as the first Ukrainian company traded in the US, went public on NASDAQ in 2018. He’s a regular speaker at US-based think tanks like Atlantic Council, CSIS, and Heritage Foundation; at universities like Yale, Stanford, and MIT; and he’s interviewed frequently by leading US and European media.
 
Gregg Stebben is the author of 20 books, including White House: Confidential and Internet Privacy for Dummies. In his career as a journalist for media brands ranging from Forbes to Esquire to Men’s Health, he has interviewed hundreds of newsmakers and politicians including US Presidents Trump, Clinton, and George H. W. Bush, and Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev. He is a frequent guest on radio, and a veteran of over 15,000 interviews on local US radio stations and syndicated shows. In March 2022, he went to Poland and Ukraine to report live on the Russian invasion.
 

Table of Contents

Publisher's Note v

Foreword: Vladimir Putin's Broken Promise of Democracy vii

Prologue xv

Part 1 Some Personal History

Chapter 1 Putin and Me 1

Chapter 2 Putin Sucks in Crimea, Throws Me Out 11

Chapter 3 Trapped in Silicon Valley, I Discover Putin's Biggest Heist 26

Chapter 4 Why Ukraine Is More Important Than You Think 35

Chapter 5 Debunking Fukuyama's "End of History" 50

Chapter 6 For Me, a "Beginning of History" 60

Chapter 7 "Why Do We Need Democracy?" 71

Part 2 Where Are We Now?

Chapter 8 About Responsibility 87

Chapter 9 About Methods and Goals 96

Chapter 10 On the Successful Transfer of Power 115

Chapter 11 About Foreign Policy, War, and Nukes 130

Chapter 12 About the State 137

Part 3 The "Unexpected" Generation

Chapter 13 Let's Meet Russia's "New Class" 145

Chapter 14 "Why the Hell Did I Have to Be Born in Russia?" 154

Chapter 15 The "New Class" Is Powerless. And Powerful. 164

Chapter 16 Putin Screws the Pooch Again 179

Part 4 The Ponomarev Plan: How Russia Gets from Here to Democracy

Chapter 17 It Starts with a Russian Invasion 187

Chapter 18 "Be Brave Like Ukraine." 203

Chapter 19 What I Am Doing, and What You Can Do 206

Chapter 22 New Laws, New Constitution, Direct Democracy 223

Chapter 22 The Ponomarev Plan-FAQ 236

Conclusion: Does Putin Have to Die? 246

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