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| ISBN-13: | 9780226232140 |
|---|---|
| Publisher: | University of Chicago Press |
| Publication date: | 02/27/2015 |
| Sold by: | Barnes & Noble |
| Format: | eBook |
| Pages: | 228 |
| Sales rank: | 729,552 |
| File size: | 304 KB |
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Economic Development
The History of an Idea
By H. W. Arndt
The University of Chicago Press
Copyright © 1987 The University of ChicagoAll rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-0-226-23214-0
CHAPTER 1
Introductory
The world has become accustomed to thinking of itself as divided into developed and developing countries. That the developing countries should develop further is almost universally desired by their own peoples and considered desirable by almost everybody else. But anyone who asked articulate citizens in developed or developing countries what they meant by this desirable objective of "development" would get a great variety of answers.
Higher living standards. A rising per capita income. Increase in productive capacity. Mastery over nature. Freedom through control of man's environment. Economic growth. But not mere growth, growth with equity. Elimination of poverty. Basic needs satisfaction. Catching up with the developed countries in technology, wealth, power, status. Economic independence, self-reliance. Scope for self-fulfilment for all. Liberation, the means to human ascent. Development, in the vast literature on the subject, appears to have come to encompass almost all facets of the good society, everyman's road to utopia.
This has not always been so. The term "economic development" as denoting a process which societies undergo was hardly used before World War II, although the use of "economic development" in the sense of an activity applied, especially by governments, to a country's land and natural resources is at least a hundred years older. The English term previously most commonly used for the process was "material progress." It was "the progress of England towards opulence and improvement" which Adam Smith hoped would continue in all future times, and it was "economical progress" about which John Stuart Mill was one of the first to express a jaundiced view. For people in Britain and France and later in Germany, the United States and other Western countries, material progress was what they were experiencing all around, with all the benefits and costs of capitalist development. In the aspirations of people in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, the quest was for modernisation, industrialisation, even Westernisation, as much for national survival, power, or independence as for enjoyment of the material fruits of Western civilisation. During and immediately after World War II, the adoption of economic development as a policy objective in and for the "underdeveloped" countries of the world coincided almost fortuitously with the elevation of economic growth to the status of prime economic policy objective in the developed countries. A humanitarian response to statistical evidence of the gap between rich and poor countries lent support to the political pressures for economic development exerted by movements for national independence in colonial territories and by rivalry with Japan in east Asia and with communism the world over. At the same time, the achievement of full employment during the war and its unexpectedly easy maintenance through the postwar years shifted the emphasis in economic policy in Western countries from the preoccupation with instability and underemployment of the interwar years to a new preoccupation with economic growth. It was this coincidence which largely accounts for the fact that, at least in Western postwar thinking and writing, economic development was interpreted as virtually synonymous with economic growth. The first comprehensive study of the process and problems of economic development was entitled The Theory of Economic Growth. Economic development was defined as "a rise in the levels of living of the common people" and measured by growth of per capita income.
Initially, the pioneers of the new academic discipline of development economics in Western countries and the planners in what was coming to be called the Third World, in the classical tradition but under the particular influence of current growth theory — Keynesian macroeconomics dynamised by Harrod and Domar — put the stress on fixed capital formation as the most important source of economic growth and/or development. The main policy implications appeared to be a need to raise the domestic saving rate in the poor countries and an opportunity for capital aid by the rich countries. During the 1960s it become increasingly evident that different rates of capital formation did little to explain why growth rates differed, either in developed or in developing countries. Among the residual factors left after differences in growth rates of the quantity of capital and labour had been allowed for, quality differences, especially those resulting from technical progress and education, seemed to deserve much more attention. Human capital, and with it education and manpower planning, transfer of technology, and technical assistance, assumed a new importance in thinking about development. During the 1960s, also, disappointment with the results of industrialisation based on import substitution, in Latin America and elsewhere, led to a renewed belief that trade could serve as an engine, or at least a helpful handmaiden, of economic growth in developing countries; more outward-looking industrial development came into favour.
Changing perceptions about the relative importance of physical and human capital or about the relative merits of inward and outward oriented industrialisation involved, at most, shifts of emphasis about means, not ends, about the best strategy for accelerating economic development in the sense of growth of total or per capita GNP. But such perceptions shifted the prism through which people looked at development. Seeing economic development as a more complex process modified perspectives about development as a policy objective. Education, technical progress, integration into the world market economy — all these had implications beyond their contribution to economic growth.
A more pronounced change of course came towards the end of the 1960s. Statistics showed that many developing countries had indeed enjoyed quite rapid economic growth, more rapid than Western countries had generally experienced during the nineteenth century, yet growth in per capita income had not eliminated poverty or underemployment and had frequently been accompanied by a widening gap between rich and poor within developing countries. The meaning of development, it was said, had been misconceived. Economic growth was not enough. More important criteria were what happened to poverty, to unemployment, to equality. At the very least, development policies must aim at growth with equity. Better still, in the view of some, priority should be accorded to the satisfaction of basic needs.
This call for much greater attention to distributional equity and other social objectives evoked little response in Third World countries, where political and social elites were understandably apt to view it as a threat to their own positions, or at any rate as unwarranted interference in their internal affairs, a new sort of cultural imperialism. But it fitted in well with, indeed probably in part reflected, the current intellectual climate in Western countries where, after twenty years of unprecedented economic growth, growth itself had come under attack from several quarters — from sceptics and critics increasingly conscious of the costs of affluence for the quality of life, from students and others alienated and radicalised by the Vietnam War, and from voices warning about dangers to the environment, about pollution and exhaustion of nonrenewable natural resources. This call also connected mainstream thinking about economic development with some of the currents of heterodoxy that had been flowing and continued to flow alongside it, in developed and developing countries.
On the left, Marxism gave rise to widely divergent doctrines about the means and ends of economic development, doctrines which had in common only a belief in the need for revolutionary overthrow of Western capitalism-imperialism. Marx's own magnificent dynamics, which had presented capitalism, with its capacity to release colossal productive forces, as an inevitable though temporary stage in the dialectic process of economic development, did not meet the political needs of socialist revolutionaries in precapitalist societies. Lenin, preoccupied with the achievement of power, and Stalin, preoccupied with its military and industrial consolidation, did not explicitly challenge the classical Marxist conception. But Mao Tse-tung first adapted Marxism to the requirements of Chinese nationalist-agrarian radicalism and then, inthe Great Cultural Revolution, superseded it with his own millenarian vision of mass mobilisation for the transformation of human nature. Meanwhile, in the Latin American countries which had gained political independence a century earlier, neo-Marxists used the notion of economic "dependence" of the underdeveloped countries of the "periphery" on the developed "centre" to expound the thesis that underdevelopment was itself caused by imperialism. The neo-Marxist view of the world as embroiled in class war between the underdeveloped Third World and the imperialist West had its reformist counterpart in the campaign for a New International Economic Order which held the stage in international debate during the 1970s.
On the right, there were in the first decade or two after World War II few prominent echoes of Gandhi's passionate denunciation of Western civilisation and modernisation, although there were sceptics who questioned the prevailing consensus about the desirability or practicability of rapid economic development of traditional societies. But in the 1970s, the Islamic fundamentalism of the Ayatollah Khomeini shared the Gandhian view of Western civilisation as morally evil, and, like both these religious leaders, spokesmen of the Christian churches rejected capitalist economic development as inconsistent with social justice. In this belief that distributional equity must have priority over economic growth, there was in fact little that divided the religious leaders on the "right" from some of the neo-Marxists on the "left."
My purpose in this book is to trace in some detail the history of thought about economic development as a policy objective that has just been sketched in outline, to explain how and why people's ideas changed or differed with circumstances in different parts of the world. Like my earlier book The Rise and Fall of Economic Growth, this one is a history of thought, but not strictly of economic thought. It is concerned with views about the ends, not the means, of policy. It does not attempt to make any new contributions to economic analysis, or even to give an account of the history of development economics. The focus is on changes in people's ideas about objectives, as reflected in academic writing and public discussion.
Of course, the distinction between ends and means — between final and instrumental objectives — is not always clearcut. The choice of means may unintentionally affect the resulting trade-off between ends, and the desired trade-off necessarily governs in some degree the choice of means. Some sections, especially in chapter 3 of this book, go some way into the discussion of alternative development strategies. But they do so only because different strategies seem in part to reflect and promote different values.
This book has turned out to be a more difficult enterprise than its predecessor. Economic growth in the developed countries was unambiguous in its meaning. The question merely was why people thought such growth increasingly desirable for some years and then became doubtful. Development, in contrast, has meant almost all things to all men and women. This story has no simple plot. If there is a central theme, it is, as we have already seen, one of increasing complexity and divergence. Today, a variety of interpretations remains, each competing with others for allegiance. To show how and why these interpretations arose may help readers to clarify their own ideas, perhaps to make up their minds as to where they stand on one of the great issues of our time, or at least to become more aware of the dilemmas. Students of economics, immersed in the study of means, may derive benefit from being stimulated to think about the ends — what it is all for.
The claim that this book explains how and why people's ideas about development have changed in the span of a few decades may seem presumptuous. This is not a history of science in which thought progresses in large measure guided by immanent logic and new empirical knowledge. Nor is it a history of political and social thought over centuries in which it may be possible, along Marxist lines, to relate changing ideas to changes in the political, economic, and social structure of society. The changes in thinking about development traced in this book will at times seem mere changes in intellectual fashion, the products of a burgeoning academic industry. But some of them also, not unlike changes in the history of science, represent the response of intelligent observers to the failures and successes of specific national policies — uncontrolled but not unilluminating experiments, as it were, in the laboratory of the Third World. Others are in the nature of political statements, articulating the viewpoints and interests of combatants in national and international struggles. Whatever their origin, they constitute collectively an aspect of the intellectual history of our times which may interest others besides development economists.
Some readers may come away from the book saying to themselves, with Ecclesiastes, there is no new thing under the sun. This should cause neither surprise nor disappointment, for embedded in the concept of development are all the dilemmas about the human condition and human hopes. It is probably true that almost everything that has been said in the last thirty years about development as a policy objective can be found somewhere in the writings of Adam Smith, John Stuart Mill, Giovanni Battista Vico, Karl Marx, Gandhi, Sun Yat-sen, or Schumpeter. Finding it is one of the pleasures of the historian of thought. But it will be found only because it has been rediscovered, presented in terms relevant to our time, discussed, and made familiar.
CHAPTER 2The Prehistory (to 1945)
Gunnar Myrdal, in his book Economic Theory and Under-Developed Regions, published in 1957, wrote that "the emergence in underdeveloped countries of this common urge to economic development as a major political purpose, and the definition of economic development as a rise in the levels of living of the common people, the agreement that economic development is a task for government ... all this amounts to something entirely new in history."
As I have indicated, my primary purpose is to examine what people have meant by economic development as a policy objective for the Third World and to trace changes and divergences of opinion about the idea since it came to the forefront at the end of World War II. Before we embark on this task it is desirable to set the stage, to say something about the prehistory.
What was new was not economic development as a historical process. This had gone on for centuries in the West. The new departure was an almost universal acceptance of the view that the countries that had hitherto been left behind in this process should seek to participate in it and be assisted in doing so. Even as a policy objective for these countries, economic development had long been in the minds of some of their leaders of opinion, though under different labels, "modernisation" or "Westernisation" or quite often "industrialisation." And even in the West economic development, in some senses, had long been the subject of a large, specialised literature, about colonial theory and policy, and a theme in the counterculture of Marxist theory.
This chapter will look at each of these three antecedents of the post-1945 history of economic development as a policy objective and at the emergence of the idea in the years just before and during World War II.
Western Origins
W. W. Rostow has, more explicitly and successfully than anyone else, tried to explain How It All Began. It certainly began in Western Europe, though just where and when, whether in eighteenth, seventeenth or sixteenth century Britain or in the city states of Renaissance Italy or in monasteries from the tenth century onwards, depends on which aspect of the emergence of modern civilisation one regards as crucial, the Industrial Revolution, the Newtonian view of the physical world, the rise of capitalism and the Protestant ethic, or the very notion of rational and empirical enquiry.
Industrialisation may later have become "the hallmark of modernity," but it has plausibly been argued that "in Western Europe the machine had been developing for at least seven centuries before the dramatic changes that accompanied the 'industrial revolution'." If "what distinguishes the world since the industrial revolution from the world before is the systematic, regular, and progressive application of science and technology to the production of goods and services," seventeenth-century Britain, with Francis Bacon services," seventeenth-century Britain, with Francis Bacon and Isaac Newton, clearly played a major role. Bacon, insisting that the real and legitimate goal of the new sciences is "the endowment of human life with new inventions and riches," was one of the first to link science with material progress; and in Newton's synthesis, as Rostow has put it, "man was put in a position to understand, to predict, and to manipulate nature. ... By changing the way man looked at the world around him, the Newtonian perceptions increased, in ways impossible to measure, the supply of inventions and the willingness of entrepreneurs to introduce innovations." But in the century before Bacon and Newton, the Protestant Reformation had sanctioned a new ethic, turning "the asceticism countenanced by religion into a device for concentration upon worldly goods and worldly advancement," and Copernicus and Galileo had taken the first giant steps in the scientific revolution, "driven by an inner impulse to make sense of the universe."
(Continues...)
Excerpted from Economic Development by H. W. Arndt. Copyright © 1987 The University of Chicago. Excerpted by permission of The University of Chicago Press.
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Table of Contents
Preface1. Introductory
2. The Prehistory (to 1945)
Western Origins
Reactive Nationalism
Colonial Theory and Practice
Mainstream Economics
Marx and Marxism
War Aims and Postwar Plans
3. Development as Growth (1945-1965)
Capital Formation
Human Capital
Trade as the Engine of Growth
4. Social Objectives (1965-1975)
Social Development
Employment
Inequality and/or Poverty
Basic Needs
Welfare or Modernisation
5. Radical Counterpoint: The Left
From Marxism to Neo-Marxism: Paul Baran
Neo-Marxism: Latin American Antecedents
Neo-Marxism: A G. Frank
Neo-Marxism on "Development"
Mao and Maoism
A New International Economic Order
Neo-Marxist Revisionism
6. Radical Counterpoint: The Right
The Sceptics
The Anti-Modernisers
7. Assessment
Dissent from Development
Social Justice
Economic Growth and Modernisation
Notes
Index of Names