A History of the Episcopal Church - Third Revised Edition: Complete through the 78th General Convention
480
A History of the Episcopal Church - Third Revised Edition: Complete through the 78th General Convention
480eBook
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Overview
This thorough, carefully researched history sets church events against the background of social changes. This third revised edition will be up-to-date through the events of the 2012 General Convention of the Episcopal Church.
Product Details
| ISBN-13: | 9780819228789 |
|---|---|
| Publisher: | Morehouse Publishing |
| Publication date: | 10/01/2014 |
| Sold by: | Barnes & Noble |
| Format: | eBook |
| Pages: | 480 |
| File size: | 2 MB |
About the Author
Read an Excerpt
A History of the Episcopal Church
By ROBERT W. PRICHARD
MOREHOUSE PUBLISHING
Copyright © 2014 Robert W. PrichardAll rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-0-8192-2878-9
CHAPTER 1
Founding the Church in an Age of Fragmentation (1585–1688)
Early Colonization in America
Following a series of exploratory visits (Florida, 1565; California, 1579; Newfoundland, 1583; etc.), the English made their first attempt at American colonization at Roanoke Island (1585–87). They named the colony Virginia after Elizabeth the Virgin Queen (1558–1603), though the island is in what is now the state of North Carolina. The Roanoke effort was unsuccessful, in part because of the attempt of Queen Mary's widower, Philip II of Spain, to take control of England by sending the Spanish Armada (1588). In anticipation of that attack the English government directed all ships to remain in port. No supply ships made the trip to Roanoke until 1590, by which time no surviving colonists of what has come to be called "the Lost Colony" could be found. In 1607, however, an English mercantile company (the London Company) did plant a permanent colony further north, which it named Jamestown after James I (James VI of Scotland), who had followed Elizabeth to the English throne.
During James's reign (1603–25), this Virginia colony was the primary focus of English colonial efforts. It was not, however, the only English settlement. Navigation was still an inexact science in the seventeenth century, and not all the ships headed for the new colony reached their intended destination. In 1612, the wreck of a ship bound for Virginia led to the establishment of an English colony in Bermuda, a collection of islands 580 miles to the east of the coast of North Carolina. In 1620, the Pilgrims, also bound for Virginia, landed at Plymouth, considerably to the north. In 1624 the English first visited the island of Barbados in the Caribbean, establishing a colony there three years later.
English Christianity and the Reformation
The colonists came from England to America at a time when the faith of the English people was in transition. As was the case with many of the people of Europe, the English of the seventeenth century were attempting to come to terms with a major transformation of the Christian faith that had taken place during the Protestant Reformation of the sixteenth century.
Prior to the Reformation most English men and women accepted a late medieval Catholicism according to which individuals acknowledged their sinfulness and then sought to make themselves acceptable to God by means of good works, pilgrimages, indulgences, and memorial celebrations of the Mass. Theologians explained that these disciplines were effective only because of God's grace but that distinction was often lost on ordinary believers, who had limited understanding of the Bible or the words of the mass (both of which were in Latin) and heard homilies only infrequently (since many parish priests were not licensed by their bishops to preach).
Beginning in 1519, however, a group of theologians at Cambridge University began to question this theology, both as a result of reading work by German reformer Martin Luther (1483–1546) and as a result of their own study of scripture. An early member of that group, Thomas Bilney (1495?– 1531), later described his understanding of faith in a letter to the Bishop of London, Cuthbert Tunstall (1474–1559). Bilney compared himself to the woman with the flow of blood in Mark 5:25–34 who spent all she had on physicians without getting any better. He said that he used up his strength, his money, and his wit following the advice of "unlearned hearers of confession" who "appointed ... fasting, watching, buying of pardons, and masses." He concluded that they did so more for "their own gain, than the salvation of [his] sick and languishing soul." It was at that point that Bilney read of 1 Timothy 1 in a new Latin translation of the Bible by humanist Desiderius Erasmus (1496?–1536):
At the first reading (as I well remember) I chanced upon this sentence of St. Paul (O most sweet and comfortable sentence to my soul!) in 1 Tim. i., "It is a true saying and worthy of all men to be embraced, that Christ Jesus came into the world to save sinners; of whom I am the chief and principal." This one sentence through God's instruction and inward working, which I did not then perceive did so exhilarate my heart, being wounded with the guilt of my sins, and being almost in despair, that immediately I felt a marvelous comfort and quietness, insomuch "that my bruised bones leaped for joy."
Bilney understood on a personal level that which Martin Luther had understood several years earlier. God did not despise Bilney because he was a sinner who could not make himself righteous. On the contrary, it was precisely because Bilney was mired in sin that God had sent his only Son. The verse from 1 Timothy that had moved Bilney would later find a place in the Book of Common Prayer as one of the "comfortable words" following the absolution in the Eucharist.
Bilney was soon joined by a circle of early English Protestants who existed more or less openly in Cambridge during the 1520s. Their number came also to include Robert Barnes (1495–1540), John Frith (ca. 1503–33), William Tyndale (1495–1536), Miles Coverdale (1488–1568), Hugh Latimer (ca. 1490–1555), and Richard Cox (ca. 1500–81). At first only mild voices of protest, these early English Protestants made themselves increasingly heard. Barnes warned that the pomp and ceremony of the church could obscure the simple meaning of the gospel. Frith rejected the popular depiction of the Eucharist as a re-sacrifice of the natural body of Christ that produced merit for those who paid the priest for the celebration. Tyndale and Coverdale worked on a translation of the Bible into English.
The monarch at the time, Elizabeth I's father, King Henry VIII (1509–47), was involved in a religious program of his own. Anxious to gain access to church wealth, to select his own candidates for church positions, and to secure an annulment from his spouse, he bullied the Parliament in the early 1530s to nationalize the Church of England, claiming for his monarchy the oversight and leadership at that time exercised by the Pope. Struggles between nations and Popes had been common in Europe since the eleventh century and generally did not lead to permanent breaks or to major reformations of the church. Personnel decisions made by Henry laid the groundwork for both, however. Henry chose two men with sympathy for the Cambridge Protestants—Cambridge graduate Thomas Cranmer (1489–1556) and merchant Thomas Cromwell (1485?–1540)—as his Archbishop of Canterbury and his secretary to the royal Council. He chose one of the Cambridge Protestants (Hugh Latimer) as a bishop and another (Richard Cox) as the tutor of his son Edward VI. He approved the publication of an English Bible translated by two other members of the group (Tyndale and Coverdale).
Henry never entirely trusted the members of the Protestant circle from Cambridge and limited their authority and influence by also appointing religious conservatives such as Stephen Gardiner (c. 1490–1555) to positions of importance (Bishop of Winchester, 1531–55). When displeased, he proved willing to execute both conservatives (such as Thomas More, 1478–1535) and advocates of Protestant reform (such as Thomas Cromwell).
The members of the Protestant circle, for their part, reserved judgment about the king, accepting him as a possible instrument of reform without forgetting the dangers that political leaders could present for the church. In periods of cooperation, they were able to take the first rudimentary steps toward the reformation of the English church. They issued an English Bible based on the work of Tyndale and Coverdale (the Great Bible, 1538) and a form of public prayer in English (the Great Litany, 1544); began to dissolve the monastic orders that, as the custodians of the primary relics and pilgrimage sites, were the strongest supporters of the medieval penitential system; and raised questions about the medieval doctrine of purgatory. The alliance proved an unstable one, with Henry turning more conservative in the 1540s. Yet the decade of cooperation gave the English Reformation a character that distinguished it from that on the continent. In Germany, Martin Luther moved within three years from mild criticism to total rejection of the episcopal hierarchy of the church. In England, in contrast, some members of the circle of Protestants at Cambridge were able to move into positions of importance, including the episcopate. That they were able to do so gave the English Christians a sense that many continental Christians could not share—that reform and the church's episcopal hierarchy need not be incompatible.
The reigns of Henry's children—Edward VI (1547–53), Mary I (1553–58), and Elizabeth I— strengthened this perception for the English people. During the short reign of Edward, the Protestant circle quickened the rate of reform; they prepared two editions of the Book of Common Prayer (1549 and 1552), published a series of sermons for use in English churches (the Homilies), introduced legislation to allow for clerical marriage, and drafted a reformed statement of faith (Edward's Forty-two Articles, which would form the basis for the later Thirty-nine Articles of Religion). During Mary's Roman Catholic reaction, the Protestants lost their church positions but discovered a leadership of another kind—that of martyrdom. (Together Henry and Mary burned twenty-five members of the Cambridge circle. Many other less prominent Protestants were executed during Mary's reign as well, with a total of roughly three hundred executed for heresy.) When Elizabeth came to the throne, she chose bishops for the church who had studied with the Cambridge Protestants or otherwise shared a conviction about the compatibility of tradition and reform. It was this evolving English Christianity that provided the religious backdrop to the founding of colonies in Roanoke and Jamestown.
The Religious Character of the Virginia Colony under Elizabeth and James
During the years that Elizabeth I and James I occupied the throne, the primary focus of English colonial efforts was Virginia. The records of that effort bear out the central role that religion played in their lives. The Virginia martial law provisions of 1610, for example, specified that members of the colony should gather to give thanks and to seek God's assistance at daily Morning and Evening Prayer, Sunday morning worship, and Sunday afternoon instruction in the catechism. Clergy were to preside at daily worship and preach each Sunday and Wednesday. The settlers at Jamestown initially met for prayer in a temporary worship tent (constructed of sailcloth) which was replaced with a wooden structure in 1608. The community at Jamestown grew, and in 1617 the chapel was relocated to a position that was near the center of the expanded settlement. This building was in turn replaced with a brick structure that was begun in 1639.
The colonists believed that their day-to-day struggle to found a settlement was religiously significant for three important reasons. First, they could preach the gospel to an Indian population that they believed had not yet heard the good news of Jesus Christ. Thus, W. Thomas Harriot attempted to preach to the Indians at Roanoke, and Governor John White's account of the Roanoke colony, which English clergyman and geographer Richard Hakluyt (1552?–1616) included in his Principal Navigations (1589), recorded with pride the baptism of Manteo (the first Native American baptized by a clergyman of the Church of England). William Crashaw, a clerical supporter of colonization, preached in 1610 that conversion of the Native Americans was "plainly a necessary duty." The first Virginia legislature (1619) declared its commitment to the "conversion of the Savages."
A second motive for colonization was closely related to the first. By spreading the gospel, colonists helped to unfold God's plan for the world, thereby hastening the coming of the kingdom. In a November 1622 sermon to the members of the Virginia Company (the new name adopted by the London Company in 1609), poet and clergyman John Donne (1573– 1631) used the Acts 1:8 promise that the Holy Spirit would assist the disciples to preach "to the end of the earth" to make the point. He noted that the members of his congregation had an advantage over the first-century Christians, who knew nothing about such places as the West Indies and, therefore, could not reach the ends of the earth. Colonists of the Virginia Company could, in contrast, create a "bridge ... to that world that shall never grow old, the Kingdom of heaven." By adding the names of new colonists, the members of the Company could "add names ... to the Booke of Life."
A third reason for colonization was an awareness of the geo-political importance of expanding the frontiers of Protestantism. The first half of the seventeenth century was dominated by wars of religion that often pitted Roman Catholics against Protestants. The leading colonial powers of the age were also Roman Catholic nations. By founding colonies of its own in the new world, England was able to join other Protestant nations in what historian Norman Sykes has dubbed the "anti-Roman Grand Alliance," and historian John Woolverton has explained as "an imperial strategy whose potent unifying theme was anti-Roman Catholicism." The religious element of English strategy was evident to Roman Catholics at the time. The Spanish ambassador in England complained in 1609 that the members of the mercantile company responsible for the colony at Jamestown "have actually made their ministers in their sermons dwell upon the importance of filling the world with their religion."
Such prospects attracted serious-minded young clergy. Indeed, at a time when many clergy of the Church of England were not university trained, most of those who volunteered for service in Virginia were university graduates. Alumni of Magdalen College, Oxford and King's, Emmanuel, and St. Johns, Cambridge, were well represented in the rolls of colonial clergy. Robert Hunt (d. 1608), the first Vicar of Jamestown, had, for example, earned his. M.A. from Magdalen College. The managers of the Virginia Company screened volunteers and sent out those whose qualifications and vision for their ministry seemed the most appropriate to fill newly established parishes or vacancies created by the high mortality rate in the colony (Forty-four of the sixty-seven clergy who served before 1660 died within five years of arrival). Undoubtedly, however, some candidates were motivated to volunteer by personal as well as religious reasons. Robert Hunt's marriage, for example, was an unhappy one; rumors circulated about his wife's infidelity and his own misconduct; she did not accompany him to the colony.
When the members of the company appointed clergy for their colonies, they were following the English custom of patronage. In England, the individual or institution that built a church building and provided the support for its clergy had the right (the advowson) to present a candidate for rector or vicar to the bishop for consent. Since the Virginia Company created parishes in each of its settlements, set aside glebe lands to provide income, and directed that glebe houses and churches be built, it also claimed the right to nominate candidates for vacant positions.
The Virginia Company's hope of conversion of the Native American people turned out to be considerably more complicated than the English settlers anticipated. Most of the Native Americans in Virginia were part of a confederation of pre-dominantly Algonquian-speaking tribes led by Wahunsonacock (Powhatan) that may have been created as a result of a conflict with the Spanish Jesuits, missionaries who reached Virginia in about 1570. A Native American named Paquiquineo (Don Luis), who had been kidnapped by a party of Spanish explorers ten years earlier and educated in Spain and Mexico, came as an interpreter for the Jesuits. Once in Virginia, however, he abandoned the Jesuits and led an attack on the Spaniards, all but one of whom were killed. A Spanish expedition the following year collected the lone survivor and killed dozens of Native Americans in retaliation. It is also possible that the Native Americans knew of the failed attempt at Roanoke Island of the 1580s, which had involved multiple occasions of violence between the English and local Native Americans. Neither experience, if remembered, would have led the Native Americans to have positive expectations about missionary activity by the English.
It is therefore not surprising that the actual relationship between the English and the Native Americans in Virginia was an alternation between efforts to subdue one another in battle and to gain advantage over one another through treaty and trade.
Wahunsonacock (Powhatan) and his allies raided the English soon after their arrival in May 1607 and by September were engaged in a campaign of regular attacks. Lacking food and worrying about the coming winter, the dwindling company of colonists deposed their leader (Edward Maria Wingfield) and selected Captain John Smith (c. 1580–1631) in his place. Smith was able to purchase food in November from the Chickahominy, who were not part of Wahunsonacock's federation. Wahunsonacock's men captured Smith in December. The chief, who probably was not moved—as Smith later claimed—by the entreaties of his daughter Pocahontas (Metoaka or Matoaka, 1595?–1617), offered a treaty, which the Native Americans probably understood as a grant of food in exchange for English goods and subordination to their leader. This led to relative peace for a year.
(Continues...)
Excerpted from A History of the Episcopal Church by ROBERT W. PRICHARD. Copyright © 2014 Robert W. Prichard. Excerpted by permission of MOREHOUSE PUBLISHING.
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Table of Contents
Contents
Illustrations,Tables,
Preface to the Third Edition,
Preface 1999,
Preface to the First Edition,
1. Founding the Church in an Age of Fragmentation (1585–1688),
2. The Age of Reason and the American Colonies (1688–1740),
3. The Great Awakening (1740–76),
4. The American Revolution (1776–1800),
5. Rational Orthodoxy (1800–1840),
6. Romantic Reaction (1840–80),
7. A Broad Church (1880–1920),
8. The Twenties, Depression, and War (1920–45),
9. The Church Triumphant (1945–65),
10. A Reordered Church (1965–90),
11. A Leaner, More Nimble Church (1990–),
Index,
What People are Saying About This
"Prichard tells a lively story of the Episcopal tradition in America. He brings historical perspective to current debates, underlines the salutary force of creative leadership, and illumines the interplay between theological reflection, liturgical practice, and social change. This is a lucid and brisk account that brings the reader into the inner life of a denomination that has proven to be remarkably resilient. Prichard is both realistic about the challenges and hopeful about the possibilities. I found it engaging and instructive."
—E. Brooks Holifield, Charles Howard Candler Professor, Emeritus, Emory University