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Overview
At a time when global politics is being reshaped, the accountability of those we put in power has never been more vital. In Making Up the Numbers, Dan Boyle, former chairman of the Green Party, applies his first-hand experience of non-traditional politics in Ireland to assess the role of minor parties in government and in coalition. This book is an essential contribution to our understanding of the 'others' vote in Irish politics.
Product Details
| ISBN-13: | 9780750985345 |
|---|---|
| Publisher: | The History Press |
| Publication date: | 10/02/2017 |
| Sold by: | Barnes & Noble |
| Format: | eBook |
| Pages: | 320 |
| File size: | 648 KB |
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Read an Excerpt
CHAPTER 1
Towards Government in Ireland
The 1922 General Election to the Third Dáil can be considered to be the first example of a pluralistic election of the new Irish State. The vehicle of Sinn Féin was now subdivided into two parts, not on ideological grounds, but instead on a vexed area of political strategy. Other than the Labour Party, there were interest groups organising themselves politically and presenting candidates to the electorate.
The largest of these was the Farmers Party, the political arm of the Farmers Union. On a smaller scale a Businessmen's Party (otherwise known as the Business and Professional Group) stood five candidates in Dublin and in Cork. Twenty independent candidates, hardly an influx, presented themselves for election.
Seven constituencies which between them carried thirty-four seats were uncontested in this election. These were the constituencies of Clare, Donegal, Kerry/Limerick West, Leitrim/Roscommon North, Limerick City/Limerick East, Mayo North and West and Mayo South/Roscommon South. The seats were equally divided between the pro- and anti-treaty factions as per an agreement between Éamon de Valera and Michael Collins. The Dublin University constituency was also uncontested, as was tradition.
Ninety-four of the 128 seats were won by the competing factions of Sinn Féin. Fifty-eight of these were won by pro-treatyites, thirty-six by the anti-treaty faction. Labour, in its first Irish parliamentary election, had a very successful campaign. The party stood eighteen candidates in half of the twenty-eight constituencies, winning seventeen seats. The party won two seats in four constituencies – the eight-seat constituency of Cork Mid, North, South, South-East and West; Kildare-Wicklow; Waterford-Tipperary East and Wexford. Its Dublin North West candidate, John James O'Farrell, was the only Labour candidate who failed to be elected. The 21 per cent of the total national vote won by the party would long remain its high-water mark in Irish parliamentary elections.
The Farmers Party succeeded in having seven TDs elected in what was its first parliamentary election. Like Labour it took a targeted approach. It stood thirteen candidates in eight constituencies, securing its seven seats. It could have but did not secure an eighth seat in the Cavan constituency. Its candidate, Patrick Baxter, was the second of four candidates in this three-seat constituency. He was 400 votes short of the quota after the first count. The other candidates were pro-treatyites led by the poll topper Arthur Griffith, who won more than two quotas and easily helped elect a second candidate. The third pro-treaty candidate was also brought over the line, having been 5,000 votes behind the Farmers' candidate on the first count. This was the first successful use of effective vote management under the new voting system.
The first Farmers Party parliamentary party consisted of party leader Denis Gorey, elected in Carlow/Kilkenny; John Dineen in Cork East and North East; Daniel Vaughan in the omnibus constituency of Cork Mid, North, South, South East and West; John Rooney in Dublin County; Richard Wilson in Kildare/Wicklow; Daniel Byrne in Waterford/Tipperary East and Michael Doyle in Wexford.
The Business and Professional Group, trading as the Businessmen's Party, succeeded in having one TD elected. He was Michael Hennessy, elected for the Cork East and North East constituency. He was not that effective a flag bearer, as by the time of the following election he had become a candidate for another political party.
Nine independent TDs were elected. Five of these were from the two University constituencies. Four others were from three Dublin constituencies, two from the one constituency of Mid Dublin.
Each of these four independent TDs carried interesting stories. Saddest of these was Darrell Figgis, who topped the poll in the Dublin County constituency with a personal vote that was twice the quota. Up to a month before the 1922 election Figgis had been a prominent and active member of the pro-treaty faction of Sinn Féin. During the War of Independence a serious rift developed between Michael Collins (then Minister for Finance in the Provisional Government) and Figgis, centred around remuneration for Oireachtas members, particularly for members of the government. Despite this, Figgis continued to have a high profile within Sinn Féin. He was vice chair to Michael Collins's chair of the Constitution Committee established in January 1922 to agree a draft constitution, but ended up being its effective chairman as Collins only attended its first meeting.
After the approval of the Treaty, Figgis (who was strongly opposed to the Collins–de Valera Pact) launched a personal initiative to encourage the Farmers Party and the Businessmen's Party not to contest certain constituencies so anti-treaty candidates might be prevented from being elected. The leadership of Sinn Féin, still hopeful of maintaining a unified party after the election, moved to expel Figgis. He was successful, but not as successful, in being elected to the Fourth Dáil, after which his personal life took several tragic turns.
Myles Keogh was elected an independent TD for the Dublin South constituency. A physician and a surgeon, he was an enthusiastic supporter of John and Willie Redmond. Over the next fifteen years he would have a varied career in Irish politics.
The two independent TDs elected for the Mid Dublin constituency shared the distinction of holding the office of Lord Mayor of Dublin over a period of sixteen years between them. The poll topper, and incumbent Lord Mayor since 1917 was Laurence O'Neill. His time in Dáil Éireann would be brief, but he would go on to to hold other public office in the Free State Senate and later Seanad Éireann.
The second independent TD elected in that constituency would begin an even longer political lineage. Alfie Byrne carried a direct link to the Irish Party. He was elected to the House of Commons, after a 1915 by-election, as an Irish Party MP. He continued in that office until the 1918 general election. He would go on to be active in Irish political life for over forty years, being most associated with being the Lord Mayor of Dublin, an office he held for nine years in succession. Through reputation and strength of personality, rather than the holding of any policy positions, he created something of a micro political party. Three of Alfie Byrne's sons would also become members of Dáil Éireann.
None of those elected in June 1922, no more than anyone else in the country, would have a very enjoyable year. Little more than a week after the election, the Provisional government (encouraged by the British government) had decided to act against an anti-treaty force that had been occupying the Four Courts building since the previous April.
There followed many skirmishes throughout the country, with the most intense fighting occurring in the first few months. The imposition of martial law, with military tribunals given the right to approve the execution of seventy-seven anti-treaty fighters, raised anger levels among the opposition. Greater firepower helped the Free State government achieve eventual military success. Victory is a term that could not be applied in these circumstances.
In parallel, the political process continued. The anti-treaty TDs elected in June would not recognise the Dáil as being legitimate. They would be abstentionist TDs. Their absence would give the pro-treaty elements a majority in the new assembly.
A nuanced exception to republican abstention was the presence of Laurence Ginnell, who sought to sign the members register, but refused to take his seat in a parliament that had been defined by the government of a foreign country. He found himself formally removed from the chamber.
Ginnell had already had an interesting political history. First elected as an Irish Party MP in 1906, he was expelled for having enquired too intensely into the party's finances. He subsequently stood as an independent nationalist, being elected on that ticket in 1910. He acquired a reputation as a campaigning MP. He strongly opposed the British government on its war policy. The reaction to the 1916 Rising he argued was counter-productive. These stances moved him closer towards Sinn Féin. He joined the party as part of the 1917 intake.
In the 1918 Westminster general election he contested and was elected for the Westmeath constituency. In 1921 he was part of the Sinn Féin slate that comprised the Second Dáil. He was opposed to the treaty and was given responsibility by de Valera to represent the anti-treaty cause in the US and South America. He returned to participate in the 1922 election, succeeding in being elected. After that he headed to the US again and died in Washington DC in April 1923.
The new Dáil met for the first time on 9 September 1922. The sitting took place after a month in August, where events occurred that would dramatically alter the course of Irish politics. It was ten days that shook the country. On 12 August, Arthur Griffith died. Ten days later Michael Collins was assassinated. Promoted to fill their absence was W.T. Cosgrave.
The first business of the Third Dáil was the election of the President of Dáil Éireann, into which Cosgrave was assumed in an acting position. The debate which accompanied the motion showed a parliament unsure of its purpose or how it was supposed to proceed. Born from a desire to create a modern, independent nation, its workload was being determined by processing legislation created and approved by a 'mother' parliament in London.
A feature of the debate was how non-Sinn Féin TDs were contributing to the discourse. Active in this debate were Thomas Johnson of the Labour Party, Denis Gorey of the Farmers Party and the independent Darrell Figgis. The record of the sitting states that the motion electing W.T Cosgrave was approved, but did not say which deputies were in support. Within the debate Thomas Johnson declared his intention, and that of the Labour Party, to call a division, and with that his willingness not to support the motion.
On 25 October in the Dáil the Constitution for the Irish Free State/Saorstát Éireann was adopted. The debate on the Constitution had been wide ranging. There were questions on whether there should be a constitution at all and whether then was the time to adopt a constitution, given the turmoil in which the country was finding itself. Many of those who had been elected did not participate in its consideration.
The Third Dáil's adoption of the Constitution was itself dependent on the British parliament doing the same. This was done in December 1922, after which the provisions of the Constitution took effect. These saw the Irish Free State being given dominion status (as existed with Canada and Australia) within the British Empire. The British King would be Head of State, to be represented in Ireland by the office of Governor General. This would be former Irish Party MP and Parnell bête noir, Tim Healy.
The uncertain political environment, into which the evolving Irish State was being created, was underscored by the assassination of pro-treaty TD Sean Hales as he left the Dáil on 7 December. This was stated to be an act of reprisal for the execution of anti-treaty prisoners by the government.
The most commented upon feature of the new constitutional set-up was the requirement for members of the Dáil to undertake an Oath of Allegiance to the British Crown. This was to continue to be a reason for republican abstention from the parliament. It was also to be the reason behind the first defection from the Labour Party's Dáil representation.
Patrick Gaffney had topped the poll for the Carlow/Kilkenny constituency by a considerable margin. In his wake came the soon to be head of government W.T. Cosgrave, as well as the leader of the Farmers Party, Denis Gorey. Gaffney had participated early in the life of the Third Dáil, but refused to accept the taking of the oath, becoming an abstentionist TD. In doing so he removed his affiliation from the Labour Party, which had remained in the Dáil, then delared himself to represent the interests of the Communist Party of Ireland.
A Communist Party was set up in Ireland in 1921. It was a successor to the Socialist Party of Ireland, which itself had been an offshoot of attempts by James Connolly around the turn of the century. These socialists/communists saw themselves as trying to pursue a deeper form of socialism than that being promoted by the Labour Party.
Roddy Connolly, son of James, preferred the deeper socialism. He had developed close contacts with the new communist regime in Russia. Through this he became convinced of the need for a communist party in Ireland. The defection of Patrick Gaffney should have been seen as something of a coup, as an epoch-making moment. It does not seem to have been so. It should be noted that the current incarnation of the Communist Party of Ireland makes no reference to Patrick Gaffney in its party history.
In the meantime the Civil War was winding towards its conclusion. A truce was called on 30 April 1923. The Third Dáil had been the protagonist in a civil war, elected a government and introduced a Constitution, but would soon have its own life shortened. On 9 August the proceedings of the Third Dáil were brought to an end and the election for the Fourth Dáil took place at the end of that month.
The Treaty vote brought an end to Sinn Féin 'Mark 2'. De Valera seemed to recognise this and chose the name Cumann na Poblacthta-The Republican Party to contest elections to the Third Dáil. The Collins/DeValera Pact made this name change moot. Part of the national conversation at that time was about whether or not political parties themselves were necessary. The existence of other political parties, and the interest groups they sought to represent, made the need to organise more necessary.
In April 1923 W.T. Cosgrave launched Cumann na nGaedheal – a name used twenty years earlier by Arthur Griffith. This would be the party title used by pro-treatyites in future elections. Supporters of Éamon de Valera would be referred to as republicans but called themselves Sinn Féin, much to the annoyance of the pro-treatyites. The decision to hold on to the Sinn Féin name was in effect the establishing of a new political party. This would be Sinn Féin 'Mark III'.
While Civil War hostilities had ceased, the atmosphere for these elections remained highly charged. The government continued to treat anti-treatyites as combatants. De Valera came out of hiding to campaign and found himself arrested and then interned. As a political tactic it proved unproductive. While the pro-treaty vote remained static, the republican vote increased by almost 6 per cent.
The Fourth Dáil increased in numbers by twenty-five members. Cumann na nGaedheal received five extra seats. The Republicans won another eight seats. The biggest winner was the Farmers Party which more than doubled its Dáil membership to fifteen seats. The Businessmen's Party won two seats, which was the number also won by a sister party, the Cork Progressive Association. An additional four seats were won by independents.
The big losers were the Labour Party which saw its vote halve in percentage terms. The party failed to win any of the additional seats and its numbers reduced by three. This also meant that the party became smaller than the Farmers Party, and was no longer capable of calling itself the main opposition party.
The improvement in the Farmers Party performance could be put down to adopting a different electoral strategy. Other than the two university and two other Dublin constituencies, each constituency was contested by the party. Sixty-five candidates were run, several in many constituencies, with the transferred votes helping to win additional seats. Its unsuccessful candidate in 1922 from the Cavan constituency (in the absence of Arthur Griffith) topped the poll.
The second Farmers Party parliamentary party consisted of party leader Denis Gorey, elected in Carlow/Kilkenny; Patrick Baxter in Cavan; Conor Hogan in Clare; John Dineen in Cork East; Daniel Vaughan in Cork North; Timothy O'Donovan in Cork West; John White in Donegal; John Conlon in Kildare; Patrick Hogan in Limerick; Patrick McKenna in Longford/Westmeath; Patrick Mulvany in Meath; Michael Heffernan in Tipperary; Nicholas Wall in Waterford; Michael Doyle in Wexford and Richard Wilson in Wicklow.
John Rooney failed to hold the seat won previously in Dublin County. Daniel Byrne who had been elected a TD in 1922 for the Waterford/East Tipperary constituency, chose not to stand in 1923. This election was the high-water mark for the Farmers Party.
(Continues…)
Excerpted from "Making Up the Numbers"
by .
Copyright © 2017 Dan Boyle.
Excerpted by permission of The History Press.
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Table of Contents
Introduction,
1 Towards Government in Ireland,
2 Towards a Normal Politics,
3 Change is Possible,
4 Change is Coming,
5 Changes Occur,
6 Blue is the Colour,
7 'Others' Return,
8 The Gathering of the Clanns,
9 You Can't Keep a Long Man Down,
10 The Last Long Strides,
11 The Swingeing Sixties,
12 The Seventies Would Not Be Socialist,
13 A Coalition of All Talents,
14 Jack is Back,
15 A Right Charlie,
16 Garret the Good,
17 To Hell or to Tallaght?,
18 The One-Sheet Man,
19 The Most Devious, the Most Cunning of Them All,
20 You're Playing Senior Hurling Now,
21 Labour's Way, Not Frankfurt's Way,
Appendix 1 A Confidence and Supply Arrangement for a Fine Gael-led Government,
Appendix 2 Policy Framework for a Confidence and Supply Agreement to Facilitate a Fine Gael-Led Minority Government,
Bibliography,