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Overview
CONTENTS.
INTRODUCTION
I. THE KING AND THE ADMINISTRATION
II. LOUIS XVI. AND HIS COURT
III. THE CLERGY
IV. THE CHURCH AND HER ADVERSARIES
V. THE CHURCH AND VOLTAIRE
VI. THE NOBILITY
VII. THE ARMY
VIII. THE COURTS OF LAW
IX. EQUALITY AND LIBERTY
X. MONTESQUIEU
XI. PARIS
XII. THE PROVINCIAL TOWNS
XIII. THE COUNTRY
XIV. TAXATION
XV. FINANCE
XVI. "THE ENCYCLOPAEDIA"
XVII. HELVETIUS, HOLBACH, AND CHASTELLUX
XVIII. ROUSSEAU'S POLITICAL WRITINGS
XIX. "LA NOUVELLE HÉLOÏSE" AND "ÉMILE"
XX. THE PAMPHLETS
XXI. THE CAHIERS
XXII. SOCIAL AND ECONOMICAL MATTERS IN THE CAHIERS
XXIII CONCLUSION
INDEX OF EDITIONS CITED
THE EVE OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
INTRODUCTION.
It is characteristic of the European family of nations, as distinguished
from the other great divisions of mankind, that among them different
ideals of government and of life arise from time to time, and that
before the whole of a community has entirely adopted one set of
principles, the more advanced thinkers are already passing on to
another. Throughout the western part of continental Europe, from the
sixteenth to the eighteenth century, absolute monarchy was superseding
feudalism; and in France the victory of the newer over the older system
was especially thorough. Then, suddenly, although not quite without
warning, a third system was brought face to face with the two others.
Democracy was born full-grown and defiant. It appealed at once to two
sides of men's minds, to pure reason and to humanity. Why should a few
men be allowed to rule a great multitude as deserving as themselves? Why
should the mass of mankind lead lives full of labor and sorrow? These
questions are difficult to answer. The Philosophers of the eighteenth
century pronounced them unanswerable. They did not in all cases advise
the establishment of democratic government as a cure for the wrongs
which they saw in the world. But they attacked the things that were,
proposing other things, more or less practicable, in their places. It
seemed to these men no very difficult task to reconstitute society and
civilization, if only the faulty arrangements of the past could be done
away. They believed that men and things might be governed by a few
simple laws, obvious and uniform. These natural laws they did not make
any great effort to discover; they rather took them for granted; and
while they disagreed in their statement of principles, they still
believed their principles to be axiomatic. They therefore undertook to
demolish simultaneously all established things which to their minds did
not rest on absolute logical right. They bent themselves to their task
with ardent faith and hope.
The larger number of people, who had been living quietly in the existing
order, were amused and interested. The attacks of the Philosophers
seemed to them just in many cases, the reasoning conclusive. But in
their hearts they could not believe in the reality and importance of the
assault. Some of those most interested in keeping the world as it was,
honestly or frivolously joined in the cry for reform and for
destruction.
At last an attempt was made to put the new theories into practice. The
social edifice, slowly constructed through centuries, to meet the
various needs of different generations, began to tumble about the
astonished ears of its occupants. Then all who recognized that they had
something at stake in civilization as it existed were startled and
alarmed. Believers in the old religion, in old forms of government, in
old manners and morals, men in fear for their heads and men in fear for
their estates, were driven together. Absolutism and aristocracy,
although entirely opposed to each other in principle, were forced into
an unnatural alliance. From that day to this, the history of the world
has been largely made up of the contests of the supporters of the new
ideas, resting on natural law and on logic, with those of the older
forms of thought and customs of life, having their sanctions in
experience. It was in France that the long struggle began and took its
form. It is therefore interesting to consider the government of that
country, and its material and moral condition, at the time when the new
ideas first became prominent and forced their way toward fulfillment.
INTRODUCTION
I. THE KING AND THE ADMINISTRATION
II. LOUIS XVI. AND HIS COURT
III. THE CLERGY
IV. THE CHURCH AND HER ADVERSARIES
V. THE CHURCH AND VOLTAIRE
VI. THE NOBILITY
VII. THE ARMY
VIII. THE COURTS OF LAW
IX. EQUALITY AND LIBERTY
X. MONTESQUIEU
XI. PARIS
XII. THE PROVINCIAL TOWNS
XIII. THE COUNTRY
XIV. TAXATION
XV. FINANCE
XVI. "THE ENCYCLOPAEDIA"
XVII. HELVETIUS, HOLBACH, AND CHASTELLUX
XVIII. ROUSSEAU'S POLITICAL WRITINGS
XIX. "LA NOUVELLE HÉLOÏSE" AND "ÉMILE"
XX. THE PAMPHLETS
XXI. THE CAHIERS
XXII. SOCIAL AND ECONOMICAL MATTERS IN THE CAHIERS
XXIII CONCLUSION
INDEX OF EDITIONS CITED
THE EVE OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
INTRODUCTION.
It is characteristic of the European family of nations, as distinguished
from the other great divisions of mankind, that among them different
ideals of government and of life arise from time to time, and that
before the whole of a community has entirely adopted one set of
principles, the more advanced thinkers are already passing on to
another. Throughout the western part of continental Europe, from the
sixteenth to the eighteenth century, absolute monarchy was superseding
feudalism; and in France the victory of the newer over the older system
was especially thorough. Then, suddenly, although not quite without
warning, a third system was brought face to face with the two others.
Democracy was born full-grown and defiant. It appealed at once to two
sides of men's minds, to pure reason and to humanity. Why should a few
men be allowed to rule a great multitude as deserving as themselves? Why
should the mass of mankind lead lives full of labor and sorrow? These
questions are difficult to answer. The Philosophers of the eighteenth
century pronounced them unanswerable. They did not in all cases advise
the establishment of democratic government as a cure for the wrongs
which they saw in the world. But they attacked the things that were,
proposing other things, more or less practicable, in their places. It
seemed to these men no very difficult task to reconstitute society and
civilization, if only the faulty arrangements of the past could be done
away. They believed that men and things might be governed by a few
simple laws, obvious and uniform. These natural laws they did not make
any great effort to discover; they rather took them for granted; and
while they disagreed in their statement of principles, they still
believed their principles to be axiomatic. They therefore undertook to
demolish simultaneously all established things which to their minds did
not rest on absolute logical right. They bent themselves to their task
with ardent faith and hope.
The larger number of people, who had been living quietly in the existing
order, were amused and interested. The attacks of the Philosophers
seemed to them just in many cases, the reasoning conclusive. But in
their hearts they could not believe in the reality and importance of the
assault. Some of those most interested in keeping the world as it was,
honestly or frivolously joined in the cry for reform and for
destruction.
At last an attempt was made to put the new theories into practice. The
social edifice, slowly constructed through centuries, to meet the
various needs of different generations, began to tumble about the
astonished ears of its occupants. Then all who recognized that they had
something at stake in civilization as it existed were startled and
alarmed. Believers in the old religion, in old forms of government, in
old manners and morals, men in fear for their heads and men in fear for
their estates, were driven together. Absolutism and aristocracy,
although entirely opposed to each other in principle, were forced into
an unnatural alliance. From that day to this, the history of the world
has been largely made up of the contests of the supporters of the new
ideas, resting on natural law and on logic, with those of the older
forms of thought and customs of life, having their sanctions in
experience. It was in France that the long struggle began and took its
form. It is therefore interesting to consider the government of that
country, and its material and moral condition, at the time when the new
ideas first became prominent and forced their way toward fulfillment.
Product Details
BN ID: | 2940013802872 |
---|---|
Publisher: | SAP |
Publication date: | 12/08/2011 |
Sold by: | Barnes & Noble |
Format: | eBook |
File size: | 349 KB |
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