The Last Days of New York: a reporter's true tale

by Seth Barron, Heather Mac Donald (Foreword by)

Overview

"Barron cuts through the noise and provides a devastating account of a city’s decline under the delusional leadership of socialists and con men.” — GREG KELLY, host of Newsmax Greg Kelly Reports

THE LAST DAYS OF NEW YORK: A Reporter's True Tale tells the story of how a corrupted political system hollowed out New York City, leaving it especially vulnerable, all in the name of equity and “fairness.”

When, in the future, people ask how New York City fell to pieces, they can be told—quoting Hemingway—“gradually, then suddenly.” New Yorkers awoke from a slumber of ease and prosperity to discover that their glorious city was not only unprepared for crisis, but that the underpinnings of its fortune had been gutted by the reckless mismanagement of Bill de Blasio and the progressive political machine that elevated him to power.

Faced with a global pandemic of world-historical proportions, the mayor dithered, offering contradictory, unscientific, and meaningless advice. The city became the world’s epicenter of infection and death. The protests, riots, and looting that followed the death of George Floyd, and the resurgence of the Black Lives Matter movement—cheered on and celebrated by the media and political class—accelerated the crash of confidence that New York City needed in order to rebound quickly from the economic disaster.

Through reckless financial husbandry; by sowing racial discord and resentment; by enshrining a corrosive pay-to-play political culture that turned City Hall into a ticket office; and by using his office as a platform to advance himself as a national political figure, Bill de Blasio set the stage for the ruin of New York City. He has left the city vulnerable to the social, economic, and cultural shocks that have leveled its confidence and brought into question its capacity to absorb the creative energies of the world, and reflect them back in the form of opportunity and wealth, as it has done for hundreds of years.

As New Yorkers slowly adjust to their new reality, they ask themselves how we had been so unprepared—not so much for the coronavirus, which caught everyone by surprise—but for the economic shock, which was at least foreseeable. THE LAST DAYS OF NEW YORK is the story of how a lifelong political operative with no private-sector experience assumed control of a one-party city where almost nobody bothers to vote, and then proceeded to loot the treasury on behalf of the labor unions, race hustlers, and connected insiders who had promoted him to power. Bill de Blasio’s term in office in New York City is a demonstration of what those impulses actually produce: debt, decay, and bloat.

THE LAST DAYS OF NEW YORK: A Reporter's True Tale is a history of New York City from its recovery from the recession of 2008-2009 through the triple disaster of the pandemic, civil unrest, and collapse in revenue of 2020. Mayor Bill de Blasio, now widely appreciated as the WORST mayor in the history of the city, is presented as the instrument of decline: a key symptom of the rot that expedited the city’s downfall.

Product Details

ISBN-13:	9781630061876
Publisher:	Humanix Books
Publication date:	06/01/2021
Pages:	304
Sales rank:	1,071,266
Product dimensions:	6.00(w) x 9.10(h) x 1.00(d)

About the Author

Seth Barron is a New York City-based reporter and editor who has covered local politics closely for more than ten years. Associate editor of urban policy at City Journal, a publication of the Manhattan Institute, Barron is a widely-read columnist and reporter on politics and issues in New York City. Barron became intimately familiar with the ins and outs of New York City politics through his City Council Watch blog, and then worked in City Hall as legislative director for a council member from Queens. His work has appeared in the New York Post, New York Daily News, and Wall Street Journal and also appears regularly on Tucker Carlson Tonight on Fox News to discuss New York City issues. He frequently appears on a range of local and national television and radio programs as a commentator.

https://www.city-journal.org/contributor/seth—barron_849

https://www.manhattan-institute.org/expert/seth-barron

https://www.realclearpolicy.com/authors/seth_barron/

https://www.foxnews.com/person/b/seth-barron

https://muckrack.com/seth-barron/articles

https://nypost.com/author/seth-barron/

Read an Excerpt

Crime in New York City 2020

New York City is in a grim mood, and crime is driving the gloom. After decades of declining crime, and a general feeling of carefree personal security among an entire generation of New Yorkers unfamiliar with triple-locked doors, widespread graffiti, and avoiding parks after dark, New York was, seemingly overnight, scary again. Murders in 2020 jumped some 33 percent over the previous year, and shootings were even higher, as gangs felt free to blast away at each other in the open over obscure beefs and shows of disrespect. The Covid-19 lockdown capped the number of muggings, simply because fewer people were outside, but crime on the subway surged, even while ridership dropped to a tiny fraction of where it had been in normal times.

Crime seemed to become ghastlier and more depraved, too. At the beginning of the current cycle, in October, 2019, a schizophrenic man named Randy Santos went on a killing spree one night in Chinatown, savagely murdering four sleeping homeless men with a heavy piece of metal equipment. Santos had a long criminal record and had been hospitalized. What was he doing out and about, people wondered? No answers were forthcoming.

Weekends in New York began to tally Chicago-levels of victims: 15 shot one weekend; 25 another. A baby was among four people shot at a cookout in Brooklyn one Sunday night; he died from his wounds. When the police finally identified his killers, it turned out they were already in jail, having been apprehended for murdering someone else.

Meantime, as New York City lapsed into chaos, its feckless leadership did little but sigh. Mayor de Blasio blamed “dislocation in communities,” stemming from the coronavirus, but as for what’s causing the disorder, he said that he is “much more interested in the solutions rather than continually debating the analysis.” Following the 2020 Labor Day weekend, he spoke with pride of how “only” six people were shot in Central Brooklyn, the traditional location of the West Indian Day Parade, which was not held because of the pandemic; one of the wounded was a little boy whose femur was shattered.

Meanwhile, noted “democratic socialist” Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez from the Bronx connected the rise in shootings to economic deprivation. “Maybe this has to do with the fact that people aren’t paying their rent,” the congresswoman mused, “and are scared to pay their rent and so they go out and they need to feed their child and they don’t have money so you maybe have to . . . they are put in a position where they feel they either need to shoplift some bread or go hungry that night.”

This is a popular view about why crime occurs: all crime is economic at root, the thinking goes. Calls to defund the police and transfer the money spent on law enforcement to social services reflect this sentiment. Spending enough money on social workers, food banks, housing, and education, would render police obsolete, because crime would vanish.

Yet it’s clear that the current spate of shootings in New York City is not driven by economic need. Petty larceny, such as shoplifting groceries, was not higher against the previous year. And few, if any, of the recent killings appear to have been the result of a “robbery gone wrong.” These are acts of revenge or score-settling, not economic crimes of opportunity. Ocasio-Cortez’s vision of crime as driven by the need for bread is satisfyingly simple, because if it were true, it would be easy to fix. The truth is, violent crime is driven by the perverse motives of violent criminals—and New York City has given these individuals permission to run wild.

But how did this happen, and why? A secure and prosperous city does not go to hell overnight, any more than the collapse of Rome occurred suddenly. It is the thesis of this book that the fall of New York City happened—as Hemingway put it—slowly, then all at once. The bad ideas of Bill de Blasio, accompanied by their terrible execution, set into play forces of undoing that disintegrated the joists and supports of New York’s safety, prosperity, and future.

Table of Contents

Table of Contents to Last Days of New York: a reporter's true tale of how a city died by Seth Barron

Introduction

• Past is prologue: all of de Blasio’s fumbles and misallocations of resources created a weak city that would be especially vulnerable to a major crisis.

Section One: De Blasio the Man and his Rise

Chapter One

• Who is Bill de Blasio? This chapter treats his biography, and delves into the family history of the man who legally changed his name as an adult not once, but twice inspired, he has said, by the experience of reading The Autobiography of Malcolm X.
• His paternal grandfather Donald Wilhelm was the personal secretary of Herbert Hoover—the same president whose name de Blasio condemns constantly—and interviewed William Howard Taft and Theodore Roosevelt. The chapter examines the marriage of de Blasio’s parents, who were both implicated in the postwar investigations into Communist influence in public affairs.
• De Blasio’s early life as a radical socialist included solidarity work with the Sandinista regime of Nicaragua, which he visited. His work in the Dinkins administration exposed him to a cauldron of racial animosity during the Crown Heights riots.
• His marriage, to a black lesbian seven years his senior, became the basis of his later political appeal, when he used his family—especially his son—as a constant feature of campaign literature.
• De Blasio worked for two figures who would become important later in his career: Hillary Clinton and Andrew Cuomo. His complicated relationship with both of them would affect his mayoralty.

Chapter Two

• De Blasio’s rise to power cannot be understood without reference to the formation of the Working Families Party (WFP), a local political party that took advantage of New York’s unique “fusion” voting system, whereby candidates can occupy multiple ballot lines. The WFP was the creation of labor and housing activists, and funded by major unions, including public-sector employee unions. The party had some successes, but by the 2009 election had created a Byzantine financial structure, with a complex network of associated entities, and even a for-profit arm to perform campaign work, ostensibly for non-affiliated candidates.
• Scandals emerged following the 2009 election suggesting rather strongly that the WFP engaged in rampant violation of campaign finance laws, essentially coordinating campaign work among its slate of candidates in conjunction with consulting firms—and ostensibly unrelated independent expenditures made by major unions. This corruption came to full flower in 2013 when de Blasio won the mayoral election, and is essential to understanding the many scandals that dogged his administration, and his mercenary approach to politics generally.

Section Two: Spend Every Dime

Chapter Three

• This chapter begins with de Blasio’s first inauguration, on New Year’s Day, 2014. The mayor inherited a city that had rebounded from the 2008 financial collapse in relatively good health, buoyed by federal bailouts and Michael Bloomberg’s steely control of city finances. The new mayor pledged to end the “tale of two cities” that he claimed divided New York into haves and have-nots and to make New York the “fairest big city” in the nation. Equity—not opportunity—would be the guiding principle of his administration.
• At the time of his accession to City Hall, de Blasio installed a key ally, Melissa Mark-Viverito as the speaker of the city council. An extreme leftist, Mark-Viverito would facilitate de Blasio’s firm control over budgeting and legislation, enabling him to expand spending and hiring at breakneck speed.

Chapter Four

• Over the last six years of unsurpassed prosperity driven by a booming stock and property market, tax revenues flowed in, and de Blasio spent every dime, rewarding his friends and the essential constituencies—unions, community groups, property developers—that ensured his election and facilitated his dealings. The mayor was never required to budget, in the sense of choosing between competing priorities, but was able to expand spending at greater than three times the rate of inflation, and to hire tens of thousands of city employees for the powerful public-sector unions that formed his base.
• A key illustrative section details de Blasio’s dedication to the idea of a “Millionaire’s Tax,” a special supplemental tax on the highest earning New York residents. De Blasio initially demanded this tax as a means of paying for universal pre-Kindergarten. After the state government agreed to fund pre-K, de Blasio revived the tax in order to build housing for senior citizens. After that idea failed to catch on, he declared that the tax was necessary in order to fix the subways. Ultimately, all these projects were just excuses to impose a tax.
• Upon assuming office, one of the first measures de Blasio took was to settle a contract dispute with the powerful United Federation of Teachers, which represents more than 118,000 educators. Bucking their post-recession demands for a large pay raise, Bloomberg left the teachers without a contract for four years, though under state law they still received seniority-related healthy “step” raises. De Blasio immediately negotiated two 4 percent raises, retroactive to 2008. The cost of these raises, almost $4 billion, was too much for the city to cough up all at once, so they would be paid out in lump sums over the next eight years. The city is still paying for work done 12 years ago.
• Voices of caution warned that, when a downturn came, the city would be ill-prepared, with barely enough in its “rainy-day fund” to pay for more than a few weeks of operations. Mayor de Blasio dismissed these objections, and insisted that his budgets were fair and responsible. He did put some money aside, but largely to cover future retiree health-care costs, liabilities that the city is obligated to pay, but not obligated to account for now.

Section Three: Education

Chapter Five

• From the beginning of his administration, Mayor de Blasio pursued a two-pronged offensive on New York City schools. He sought to end what he called “segregated schools,” and—mostly at the behest of the teachers union—he waged war against the successful charter school movement.
• New York City public school students are 70 percent black and Latino. So it is not surprising that many individual schools are more than 90 percent black and Latino. As in every school district in the country, an “achievement gap” exists between these students and their white counterparts. Mayor de Blasio and his Department of Education hold it as a core value that the cause of disparate achievement is old-fashioned segregation—what some officials call “apartheid schooling.”
• Mayor de Blasio has pursued a radical, equity-based restructuring of the city’s school system—which educates 1.1 million pupils—based around the idea that proximity to white students will improve black and Latino performance, because white families are hogging resources.
• But in fact, NYC schools are among the most richly-funded in the nation, and schools with higher need, based on poverty and other factors, receive more money, not less. The way this debate has played out has caused significant schisms among the well-heeled neighborhoods where there are enough white residents to even make trying to achieve racial parity a plausible project. Parents who have complained about having their children shuffled around as part of a social engineering campaign have been called racist by the Chancellor, and advised to take part in “implicit bias” training, which teachers are mandated to attend.

Chapter Six

• A flash point arose around the admission standards to the system’s elite high schools, which require a high score on a standardized test as the sole criterion for entry. The number of black and Latino students who achieve a high score on this exam is extremely low, and Mayor de Blasio and activists have cast this in terms of racism, specifically white racism. But it is Asian students, who come from comparably poor, often immigrant backgrounds, who have driven up the cutoff score for admission to the specialized high schools, which are widely seen as a path to success for talented youth. The de Blasio administration is committed to dismantling this system, arguably destroying the value of the schools, because the disparity of results on the standardized admission test is prima facie evidence of racism.

Chapter Seven

• At the same time, the city’s network of charter schools has proven to do an excellent job of educating almost exclusively black and Latino kids from poor neighborhoods, producing test results among the best in the entire state, including all-white wealthy suburbs. Instead of looking to the charter sector for answers to improve education for all students, de Blasio—at the express behest of the teachers’ union, which demands a monopoly on education tax dollars—has fought to limit charters or shut them down.
• In sum, de Blasio has approached public schools, which account for tens of billions of annual spending, as a vehicle to promote divisive equity-oriented goals that serve a larger Progressive agenda of “dismantling white supremacy,” rather than as a means of educating New York’s children.

Section Four: Quality of Life, Homelessness, and the Mentally Ill

Chapter Eight

• Perhaps no area of life in New York City has seen as much degradation under Bill de Blasio as the quality of street life, which has become dirtier, rowdier, and more dangerous. This owes directly to policies pursued by de Blasio in the name of equity.
• Crime in New York City used to be very high, with more than 2,000 homicides in 1990. Through an intense, data-driven policing effort, as well as the application of the “Broken Windows” theory of criminology, low-level and major crime declined radically under mayors Giuliani and Bloomberg, creating a virtuous cycle of community improvement that bore generational fruit as New York City grew more prosperous, and thousands of lives were saved.
• Hard left anti-incarceration advocates long decried the supposedly racist policing practices of the NYPD, ignoring the fact that crime is concentrated in particular neighborhoods and communities, and that the perpetrators of major crime are disproportionately black. These activists promoted a narrative of “occupation” of black neighborhoods by a militarized police force, even though the residents of those neighborhoods are the primary victims of violent crime, and are the first to call for a greater police presence when assailed by disorder.
• De Blasio backed and signed a major package of legislation that effectively decriminalized a host of “minor” quality of life crimes, including public urination, marijuana possession, public drinking, and hanging out in parks at night. Later, this relaxation of civil norms was expanded to include subway fare evasion, long a key means of snaring people with outstanding criminal warrants, and people carrying illegal guns.
• This effort paralleled a general move to reduce the number of people in jail, and was accompanied by extensive propaganda that the NYPD systematically arrests and jails black and Latino New Yorkers for non-violent offenses, or “crimes of poverty,” like turnstile jumping. But in fact, the number of people arrested and jailed in New York City has been declining for years, and almost everyone on Rikers Island is jailed for a serious, usually violent offense. Furthermore, Rikers is largely populated by repeat offenders, and their average age is around 37.

Chapter Nine

• At the same time, street homelessness has become a much more entrenched problem in New York City. Despite doubling the amount of money spent directly on homeless services—to $2 billion annually—the shelter system is rife with complaints of waste, corruption, and insanitary and unsafe conditions. Thousands of homeless people, often with serious mental illness, roam the streets and subways. Loath to force mentally ill people into treatment, despite the nation’s most robust legal resources, de Blasio has been content to allow sick people to fend for themselves.
• The nadir of his rule occurred when the subways—which had always run 24 hours a day, as the symbol of the “city that never sleeps”—were shut down at night during the height of the pandemic, ostensibly for “deep cleaning,” but really because they had become an unofficial annex of the homeless services department. De Blasio had lost control of policing and social services to such an extent that hundreds of homeless people had to be forcibly dislodged from the subways, because they otherwise wouldn’t leave, and they were scaring off legitimate passengers.
• Rather than address the problem of serious mental illness, the mayor poured hundreds of millions of dollars into ThriveNYC, a “mental wellness” initiative that became his wife’s pet project. Thrive used valuable resources encouraging anxious or depressed New Yorkers to breathe mindfully, get things off their chests, and an eye out for signs that their neighbors might be stressed out. ThriveNYC emphasized the need to end the “stigma” around mental illness, but the seriously mentally ill, who are stubbornly difficult to treat and pose an actual danger to themselves and others when they are not compliant with doctor’s orders, do not suffer from stigma.
• Decriminalization, decarceration, and a failed mental illness policy have returned the streets of New York City to the proverbial “bad old days.” Crime is creeping up as police, increasingly vilified, take a hands-off approach to disorder. Drug sales, random street and subway crime, and hate attacks are back. In his reckless pursuit of a “fair city,” Bill de Blasio has fractured the civic calm upon which New York City’s prosperity and normalcy depend.

Section Five: Corruption in Consultant City

Chapter Ten:

• Perhaps the most corrosive, insidious aspect of Bill de Blasio’s two terms of office is the legacy of pay-to-play cronyism that now defines city politics. This chapter runs through his litany of scandals: the Campaign for One New York PAC; his 2014 effort to work around the campaign finance system by directing donors to give money to county committees instead of politicians; the Rivington House scandal, whereby a powerful lobbyist was able to get a deed restriction lifted on a nursing home so it could be sold for enormous profit; his association with multiple people who pled guilty to federal charges of bribing him, while he eluded prosecution; his purchase of slums at an inflated value from connected insiders.
• Throughout all of these scandals and investigations, de Blasio stuck to the principle that he “obeyed the letter of the law.” But, the chapter concludes, staying within the letter of the law is tantamount to violating the spirit of the law. It’s a low ethical bar that de Blasio has set, and one that will be difficult to ever elevate.
• De Blasio became beholden to a coterie of “consultants” who operate between the cracks of lobbying law. These consultants work for political parties, candidates, unions, and corporations. They help decide who should run for which seat, manage campaigns, raise money, and negotiate deals and legislation. At one point, Mayor de Blasio argued that five of his consultants were effectively “agents of the city,” and thus his communications with them were protected, intra-governmental discussions exempt from disclosure.
• In a very real way, politicians in New York City work for their consultants, who organize their funding, and who are typically owed money by previous campaigns. The rise of the consultant class is an untold story, and its entrenchment in our politics is perhaps de Blasio’s most degrading legacy. Now that we are in a major crisis, we no longer have the democratic institutions to help pull ourselves out.

Section Six: The Road Ahead

Chapter Eleven:

This concluding chapter offers some hope for recovery from Bill de Blasio’s squandered mayoralty, including:

• A square focus on fighting crime and preserving order so working people feel safe in their neighborhoods and going about their business.
• Overhaul of contracts with municipal workers with a recognition that the party has ended; the city cannot afford to pay 100 percent of retiree health benefits forever, for example.
• Fixing the subways to ensure that the spine of commerce is preserved.
• Expansion of choice throughout the school system.
• Full use of all legal means to ensure the seriously mentally ill receive and maintain compliance with treatment

Conclustion

• New York City faces a tough road back. As many as a million jobs have been lost and may never return. The future of tourism, Broadway, live music, sports, and dining are in question. Retail, already shaken, could be wiped out. Will office workers return to their buildings, and will companies continue to locate in Midtown, if commuters don’t trust the trains and subways?
• The city needs strong, courageous leaders who are willing to buck entrenched and special interests to overcome the deep culture of corruption and entropy that has infected our political class.
• Last Days of New York: a reporter's true tale of how a city died is an autopsy of the de Blasio administration that should give us clues about how to proceed from here.

Preface

FOREWORD to THE LAST DAYS OF NEW YORK: A REPORTER’S TRUE TALE OF HOW A CITY DIED by Seth Barron

It may sometimes seem that cities, like civilizations, are always on the brink of collapse, threatened by unmanageable complexity, internal strife and serial misgovernance. Lewis Mumford, in The Culture of Cities (1938), foresaw imminent urban disintegration and chaos, an outlook best captured by one of his chapter titles: A Brief Outline of Hell. Roughly 20 years later, in The Death and Life of Great American Cities, Jane Jacobs warned against the strangling effects of the urban planning that was then so fashionable and doing so much harm to small-scale neighborhood life. Only four years ago, Richard Florida, normally a civic booster of Babbitt-like enthusiasm, prophesied doom in The New Urban Crisis.

Little wonder, then, that episodes of civic renaissance and vitality are so striking: those fortunate times when things go right. Seth Barron's Last Days of New York—a propulsive chronicle of failed policy and bad leadership—shows that things did once go right in New York City, and not so long ago. Under Rudolph Giuliani in the 1990s, and Michael Bloomberg in the three mayoral terms that followed, the city found its way again after the dangerous decline of the 1970s and 1980s.

This feat was accomplished by reducing crime, restoring public order, reconquering public spaces and reanimating neighborhoods. Barron demonstrates just how easily such gains can be lost. He focuses in particular on the unwinding of the quality-of-life policing that made New York newly livable in the late 1990s and early 2000s, luring investors to a city that had faced bankruptcy within living memory. But behind that unwinding were leaders whose rhetoric was poisonous and whose decisions were destructive.

Here pride of place goes to Bill de Blasio, a man whose mayoralty (thankfully now in its last year) is at the center of Barron's narrative. de Blasio’s eagerness to appease public-sector unions, support radical protesters, recite woke clichés (not least the ones decrying "racism"), squander vast sums of money on feckless programs, and, most of all, soften or eliminate police procedures essential to fighting crime—all come under Barron's closely detailed scrutiny. And the city itself? More and more, Barron suggests, a place of squalor and disorder, with the homeless parked seemingly everywhere and violence on the rise. "After decades of declining crime," he writes, ". . . New York was, seemingly overnight, scary again." Meanwhile, the city's businesses, already under pressure from high taxes and the mayor’s “Progressive” reforms (paid sick leave, a higher minimum wage), face endless ordeal and possible extinction—a condition that the recent pandemic has only intensified.

What is to be done? Barron, to his credit, offers no soaring visions of a future city that, with just the right mix of policies, will takes its place with Athens and Rome in the annals of municipal glory. But he can’t help feeling that New York can do better—indeed, that it has done better and has ruinously lost its way. He describes a recent encounter he himself had with a seriously disturbed man in Washington Square Park—a man (it turned out) with a long criminal history who was, at the time, wielding a crossbow and a machete menacingly. The police did come and arrest him, but he was released on his own recognizance right away.

Such incidents, all too familiar to New Yorkers these days, may not amount to “anarchy,” a word that Mayor de Blasio vehemently rejects when it is used to describe his city. “But,” Barron adds, “it isn’t the New York City that Bill de Blasio inherited, either.”

Heather Mac Donald
February 2021

Editorial Reviews

Praise for THE LAST DAYS OF NEW YORK: a reporter's true tale by Seth Barron

"The growing number of elected Socialists and other progressives, including Mayor de Blasio, have given Barron enough targets to fill a book, The Last Days of New York, that even the most dyed-in-the-wool lefties ought to read. — Errol Lewis, New York Daily News

“Seth Barron has covered New York for a very long time. He has a new book The Last Days of New York. The title says it all.” — TUCKER CARLSON

“A propulsive chronicle of failed policy and bad leadership.” — HEATHER MAC DONALD, New York Times bestselling author of The War on Cops and The Diversity Delusion

“I have watched NYC fall apart before my eyes but until I read Seth Barron’s book I didn’t know how and why. Now I know and thanks to his unparalleled reporting it’s clear who is to blame… and how to fix it. A must read.” — BRIAN KILMEADE, host of Fox & Friends and Fox radio program The Brian Kilmeade Show and New York Times bestselling author

“Demonizing cops. Dismantling the rule of law. Dissing the ‘rich’ and middle class who pay most of the city’s taxes. This book is required reading for those who love New York and want to understand why so many die-hard New Yorkers are fleeing.” — JUDITH MILLER, Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist

"New York has endured stock market crashes, crime waves, terrorist attacks and pandemics. But in this gripping new book, Seth Barron warns the city may not recover from the preening, disastrous incompetence of Mayor de Blasio.'' — RAY KELLY, 37th and 41st Police Commissioner of New York City

“A valuable and gripping account of New York City’s decline, hastened by a mayor who is not only an incompetent manager, but a naive socialist who believes in the propaganda of yesteryear, along with a gullible and compliant media. New York City made tremendous strides from its nadir in the 1970s. Through the 90s and 2000s, crime dramatically declined and quality of life soared, as the city adopted bold and conservative approaches to the basics of city management. Amid so much noise, hysteria, and yes, fake news, Seth Barron tells the proverbial “story behind the story” that the mainstream media have neither the ability nor inclination to tell. Barron’s reporting and analysis proves that the truth is more interesting than anything you’re being told about the undeniable decline of New York City. Barron’s account shows the sad abandonment by liberal politicians of the policies that brought New York out of the dark ages. His brilliant analysis will inform and enrage, but also provide hope to restore New York’s greatness. Cheap politicians, shallow reporters, and a general public at their wits end, Barron cuts through the noise and provides a devastating account of a city’s decline under the delusional leadership of socialists and con men.” — GREG KELLY, journalist, pilot, marine and host of Newsmax Greg Kelly Reports

“Barron captures the current spirit of New York, a city in decline, as though he were Edward Gibbon contemporaneously covering the fall of Rome. There is no guess-work, this is an accurate depiction of what is happening, and why those who can, leave. We all believe New York will rise again, but how long we must deal with backwards government is the question most families are trying to handicap.” — JOSEPH C. BORELLI, New York City Council member for the 51st District of the New York City Council

"With his encyclopedic knowledge of Gotham's politics and society, and his immense storytelling gifts, Seth Barron offers readers a front-row seat to the tragic fall of America's greatest metropolis." — SOHRAB AHMARI, op-ed editor for the New York Post

“The rapid decline of New York is one of the most important stories of our era, and Seth Barron superbly describes how and why it is happening. He chronicles in vivid detail Mayor de Blasio’s disastrous mix of far-left ideology, incompetence and corruption that has brought America’s greatest city to the precipice. Barron knows the territory and writes with compelling conviction.” — MICHAEL GOODWIN, columnist for the New York Post and contributor for Fox News

“Seth Barron has masterfully chronicled how Mayor Bill de Blasio has destroyed the safest large city in America. This is a must read for every political leader in our country, in how New York City went from being the capitol of the world, to a cesspool of crime, mismanagement, and economic and real estate implosion.” — BERNARD B. KERIK, 40th Police Commissioner of the New York Police Department and author of the novel The Grave Above the Grave

“New York must get off its current path; otherwise disaster awaits. Without changes, as Barron puts it in his conclusion, ‘New York City will descend into disorder, dispossession, and bankruptcy. Bye-bye.’” — Tevi Troy, National Review

From the Publisher